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'She stopped; she laid her l]and on tjim; t/e, looking up, beheld tjoui hjer 
clear eyes were dim," 



THE BATTLE OF 
THE CENTURY 



PERCY TILSON MAGAN 




REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO. 
Battle Creek, Michigan 



1 



THE LIBRARY OT 
CONSRESS. 

Tvwj Copies Received 

APR. 24 1901 

COPVSWMT ENTRY ■ 

CLASS A'XXo. N». 
COPY S. 



CONTENTS. 



Prologue 

Rome and the United States . 

An Early Friendship . . . . 

The French Revolution . 

The Church Land Question 

France Against the World 

The Republican Calendar . 

The French Revolution and Sunday 

Napoleon and the Pope 

The Deadly Wound .... 

The Holy Alliance 

Pope Pius IX 

The Healing of the Wound 

Church and.Stj^xe jn jjie. JIhiuppikb^ 

American Sund5vV .'tlA.SV'S *-.: 



Page. 

3 

5 

2\ 

27 

32 

34 
35 
36 
46 

52 

56 

58 

• 59 

73 
■ 74 



Copyright, 1901, PERCY TILSON MAGAN. All rights reserted. 



-in (^ 



THE 

BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 



PROLOGUE. 

The closing decades of the eighteenth century were 
big with momentous events. As the great crucible of time 
turned to ashes the ember hours of that hundred years' 
cycle, three flames of fire sprang simultaneously from the 
seemingly lifeless mass of historical ore. The hand of the 
Most High had grasped the lever regulating human events. 
Expectancy sat upon the brow of the universe. Tremen- 
dous changes were about to take place. Events of a new 
nature were now to transpire. The hearts of men were 
to be shocked, surprised, and stirred. 

The first flame was a thing of beauty. It was a live 
coal brought to earth by an angel's hand with the tongs 
from the altar in heaven. There was spirit and life within 
it, as in those pentecostal tongues of cloven fire which 
burned so beauteously on apostolic heads. A Republic 
Had Come to Earth. 

On the western shores of the broad Atlantic, after 
travailing in pain to be delivered, * * our Fathers brought 
forth a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal." Peerless 
in this beautiful robe of precious principles, the new nation 
arose from the bed of her revolutionary birth. With 

3 



4 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

amazement the kingdoms of the Old World watched the 
infant land. Rocked by the waves of the twin seas in 
the cradle of the red man's country, this child of liberty 
increased in wisdom and stature, for God was with her. 
Thus is the image of the first flame. 

The second flame sprang up in the fulfillment of the 
vision of an ancient seer. Its was a lurid light. The sins 
of Church and State in France, the land of romantic story, 
had for years been waxing great. Now they were to be 
consumed by the fires of a red revolution. The cries of 
the oppressed had reached unto Heaven. Vengeance was 
to be poured out from the vials of wrath. A clergy drunk 
with power, a nobility corrupt with lust, a monarchy effete 
with luxury; the trinity self-brutalized by the tyranny they 
had exercised in things civil and religious, — exercised, we 
blush to say it, in the name of the ministering Master, — 
were all about to suffer an awful retribution at the hands 
of those whom they had persecuted and oppressed. The 
liberty which they knew that men and women across the 
Atlantic enjoyed was eagerly coveted by these suffering 
ones. They must possess it for themselves. They must 
give it to all Europe. Thus is the image of the second 
flame. 

The third flame reddened the skies of Rome, the mis- 
tress of the world. A "deadly wound" was about to be 
inflicted upon the papacy. She who had seen kings totter 
and fall, dynasties perish, and kingdoms break up and be 
no more; she who had witnessed the wrecks of more than 
a thousand years, and survived the storms of centuries, was 
to receive a deadly wound. This wound was to be deliv- 
ered by France. The mailed heel of General Berthier was 
to profane the most holy place. Refined and regenerated 
in the mortar of the Revolution, France inflicted a • ' deadly 



ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 5 

wound" upon the papal power, because that power had 
said that hberty was not of God. The hand of Providence 
dealt in this also. A prophetic cable, chaining together 
the poles of more than a millennium of time, was about to 
electrocute the incumbent of the see of Rome. Thus is 
the image of the third flame. 

ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 

When the United States was born into the world, the 
Church of Rome had naught to say against her. No voice 
of protest thundered from the Vatican. To be sure, the 
pope did not bestow his blessing on the new republic, but 
at the same time he did not bequeath an anathema. 

All of this is apparently passing strange. The basal 
principles upon which the new nation was founded were in 
themselves the overturning of every principle for which the 
Church of Rome had ever stood. She who had dictated to 
men the religion which their consciences must adopt, and 
to governments that monarchical power must be their form 
of rule, was now destined to behold another power arising in 
the West and proclaiming two distinct principles: First, 
that government is of the people; and second, that govern- 
ment is of right entirely separate from religion. 

The enunciation of these principles was infinitely more 
than the establishing of a government independent of Great 
Britain. In fact, the Declaration of Independence was not 
at first called by that name. No such title appears in the 
original. It was formerly called ' ' The Unanimous -Declar- 
ation of the Thirteen United States of America." It was 
not thought that it would assist the colonies in gaining their 
independence. It was thought that it contained principles 
announced by Jesus Christ for all. In it the Fathers de- 



6 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

clared certain truths concerning civil government, — "self- 
evident truths," they called them. These, they believed 
were good, not merely for the British colonists in America, 
or for the English at home, or for the Germans in the 
fatherland, but for all men everywhere, no matter of what 
nation or kindred or tongue or tribe. That Grand Old 
Document declares: — 



"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are cre- 
ated equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are insti- 
tuted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 
governed." 



Thus in two sentences was annihilated that despotic 
doctrine which, springing from the usurped authority of the 
papacy, to sit in the place of God and to set up and pull 
down kings, and to bestow kingdoms and empires at its 
will, had now become venerable, if not absolutely hallowed, 
by the precedents of a thousand years — the doctrine of 
the divine right of kings; and in the place of the old, false, 
despotic theory of the sovereignty of the government and 
the subjection of the people, there was declared that •' self- 
evident truth, — the subjection of government, and the 
sovereignty of the people. 

In declaring the equal and inalienable rights of all men 
to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that gov- 
ernments derive their just powers from the consent of the 
governed, there is not only declared. the sovereignty of the 
people, but also the entire capability of the people. The 
Declaration, in itself, presupposes that men are men indeed, 
and as such they are fully capable of deciding for them- 
selves as to what is best for their happiness, and how they 



8 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

shall pursue it, without the government's being set up as a 
parent or a guardian to deal with them as children. 

" The rights of man, as man, must be understood in a sense that 
can admit of no single exception; for to allege an exception is the 
same thing as to deny the principle. We reject, therefore, with 
scorn, any profession of respect for the principle which, in fact, 
comes to us clogged and contradicted by a petition for an exception. 
. . . To profess the principle and then to plead for an exception, let 
the plea be what it may, is to deny the principle, and it is to utter a 
treason against humanity. The rights of man must everywhere all 
the world over be recognized and respected." — Isaac Taylor. 

It was James Otis who said : — 

" The British colonists do not hold their liberties or their lands 
by so slippery a tenure as the will of the prince. Colonists are men, 
the common children of the same Creator with their brethren of 
Great Britain. The colonists are men: the colonists are therefore 
freeborn; for, by the law of nature, all men are freeborn, white or 
black. No good reason can be given for enslaving those of any 
color. Is it right to enslave a man because his color is black, or his 
hair short and curled like wool instead of Christian hair ? Can c;ny 
logical inference in favor of slavery be drawn from a flat nose or a 
long or a short face ? The riches of the West Indies or the luxuries 
of the metropolis should not have weight to break the balance of 
truth and justice. Liberty is the gift of God and can not be anni- 
hilated. 

" Nor do the political and civil rights of the British colonists 
rest on a charter from the crown. Old Magna Charta was not the 
beginning of all things, nor did it rise on the borders of chaos out of 
the unformed mass. A time may come when Parliament shall de- 
clare every American charter void ; but the natural, inherent, and 
inseparable rights of the colonists, as men and as citizens, can never 
be abolished. . . . The world is at the eve of the highest scene of 
earthly power and grandeur that has ever yet been displayed to the 
view of mankind. Who will win the prize, is with God. But human 
nature must and will be rescued from the general slavery that has so 
long triumphed over the species." 

The Church of Rome saw and heard all of these things, 
and yet, strange as it may seem, she never raised her voice 
against them. 



ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. g 

The second great principle of the American Revolution 
— that government is of right entirely separate from reli- 
gion — follows logically from the first. 

Religion is the recognition of God as an object of wor- 
ship, love, and obedience. It is man's personal relation of 
faith and obedience to God. 

Now, governments deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed, can never of right exercise any 
power not delegated by the governed. But religion, per- 
taining solely to man's relation to God, and the duty which 
he owes to his Creator, in the nature of things can never 
be delegated. It is utterly impossible for any person ever, 
in any degree, to transfer to another any relationship to 
God or any duty which he owes his Creator. To attempt 
to do so would be to deny God and renounce religion; and 
even then the thing would not be done — his relationship 
to God would still abide as firmly as ever. 

Logically and rightfully, therefore, the government of 
the United States disavows any jurisdiction or power in 
things religious. Religion is not, and never can rightfully 
be made, in any sense a requisite to the governmental 
authority of the United States, because the supreme law 
declares that — 

" No religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United States." 

The government can not rightly legislate in any sense 
upon matters of religion, because the supreme law says 
that — 

"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." 

By this clause, Congress is forbidden to make any law 
looking toward any establishment of a national religion, or 



lO BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

approving or disapproving any religion already established 
in any State, as several of the States had established 
religions when this amendment was adopted. By it, like- 
wise, Congress is forbidden to make any law prohibiting the 
free exercise of religion by any individual in all the land. 
That is to say that Congress is forbidden to make any law 
bearing in any way whatever on the subject of religion ; for 
it is impossible to make a law on the subject of religion 
without interfering with the free exercise of religion. No 
law can ever be made even in favor of any religion without 
prohibiting the free exercise of that religion. No man can 
ever sanction legislation in favor of the religion in which he 
believes without robbing himself of the free exercise of that 
religion. Congress, therefore, is absolutely forbidden ever 
to make any law on the subject of religion in any way what- 
ever. 

The doctrine that government is of right of the peo- 
ple is imbedded in the Declaration of Independence. But 
the doctrine that religion should be separate from the State 
is not directly therein written. It is there by intimation 
and implication, but not directly and of itself. 

The doctrine that religion is altogether separate from 
the State is written in the First Amendment to the Consti- 
tution. It could not possibly have assigned to it a greater 
or more important place. It has greater force and meaning 
as the " First Amendment " than it could possibly have had, 
had it appeared in any other place in the fundamental doc- 
ument of the land. The Constitution was the work of a 
few men assembled in the Convention Hall at Philadelphia. 
The Amendments were added in accordance with the 
wish of the people of the United States, after they had 
everywhere read and studied the Constitution. The First 
Amendment expressed the mind of the people. 



^ 



ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. ii 

Consistently with all this, and as the crown of all, 
religion is not in any sense a requisite of the citizenship of 
the United States; for again the supreme law declares : — 

" The government of the United States is not in any sense founded 
on the Christian rehgion." 

Thus, logically by the Declaration and explicitly by the 
Constitution, the government of the United States is com- 
pletely separated from religion. And such is the second 
grand principle of the American Revolution. 

But the Church of Rome had always contended that 
religion and the State were one and indivisible. She had 
ever taught that it was treason against Heaven to separate 
these two. Hers was the religion, and she was the woman 
who sat upon the scarlet-colored beast, with whom the 
kings of the earth had committed fornication, and the 
nations of the earth had been made drunk with the wine of 
her fornication. All this had been foretold in the Scripture : 
it had been fulfilled in Rome. And this is not said with 
any desire to find fault with any pope or man in that 
ancient church, in which have been many of the best and 
blest of earth. It is stated simply as a fact which none in 
the communion of Rome will deny. 

Two of the cardinal principles of Rome had ever been 
that kings reign by divine right, and that the Church and 
the State should be organically connected the one with the 
other. And so when America arose, all that she taught was 
contrary to all that Rome had ever taught. Stillness as 
oppressive as death itself sat upon the Vatican. No 
anathema rang through the dome of St. Peter's against the 
new land; no bull was forged; no edict was promulgated. 
Rome saw and heard, but spake never a word, although 
the very foundation stones of her structure were being 
undermined. 



12 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

The Bible had foretold that civil and religious liberty — 
Republicanism and Protestantism — would be the corner- 
stones of the American republic. 

In the thirteenth chapter of Revelation is described a 
beast, "like unto a leopard," to which the dragon gave 
"his power, and his seat, and great authority." Nearly 
all Protestants agree that this symbol represents the papacy, 
which succeeded to the power and the seat and authority 
of the ancient Roman empire. Of this beast it is said: 
"There was given unto him a mouth speaking great things 
and blasphemies. . . . And he opened his mouth in blas- 
phemies against God, to blaspheme his name, and his 
tabernacle, and them that dwell in heaven. And it was 
given unto him to make war with the saints and to over- 
come them; and power was given him over all kindreds 
and tongues and nations." This prophecy is nearly 
identical with the description of the papacy given in the 
seventh chapter of Daniel, and unquestionably points to 
the same power. 

"Power was given unto him to continue forty and two 
months." A day in prophecy signifies a year. Thus forty 
and two months would signify twelve hundred and sixty 
years. And, says the prophet, ' ' I saw one of his heads as 
it were wounded unto death." And again, " He that lead- 
eth into captivity shall go into captivity; he that killeth 
with the sword must be killed with the sword." The forty 
and two months are the same as the " time and times and 
the dividing of time," three and a half prophetic years, or 
1,260 days, of Daniel 7, — the time during which the papal 
power was to oppress God's people. This period of 1,260 
days, or 1,260 actual years, began with the famous letter of 
the Emperor Justinian, in a. d. 538. This letter estab- 
lished the pope of Rome as the " HEAD OF ALL THE 



ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 13 

HOLY CHURCHES." It therefore marks the beginning 
of the complete power of the Church of Rome as estab- 
Hshed by the civil government. It gave to the Church of 
Rome a standing in the world which she had never had 
before. According to this prophecy and this interpretation 
of it, the papal supremacy would continue until 1798, and 
then it would receive a " deadly wound; " but the " deadly 
wound" would be "healed." 

Precisely at this point in the prophetic story another 
symbol is introduced. Remember that it is about the year 
1798. Says the prophet, " I beheld another beast coming 
up out of the earth; and he had two horns like a lamb." 
The very nature of this symbol is essentially different from 
that of any other symbol representing a nation in the 
Bible. And it therefore shows that the nation represented 
by the beast which had two horns like a lamb is entirely 
different in its nature to any other nation which had ever 
gone before it. 

The great kingdoms which have ruled the world were 
represented to Daniel the prophet as ravenous beasts. 
They rose up when "the four winds of heaven strove upon 
the great sea." In the book of Revelation, an angel 
explained that waters represent "peoples and multitudes, 
and nations and tongues." Winds are clearly a figure of 
strife, and the four winds of heaven striving upon the great 
sea can represent nothing else than the terrible scenes of 
conquest and revolution, by which the kingdoms of the 
Old World have climbed into power. 

But the beast with ' ' horns like a lamb " was seen 
"coming up out of the earth." This nation did not over- 
throw other powers in order to establish itself. It was to 
arise in territory previously unoccupied. It was to grow 
up gradually and peacefully. From this it is clear that it 



14 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

could not arise among the crowded and struggling nations 
of the Old World, — that turbulent sea of "peoples, and 
multitudes, and nations, and tongues." It must be looked 
for in the new lands of the Western Continent. 

Now in 1798 there was only one nation arising in the 
New World, and attracting the attention of the world. 
One nation, and one nation only, will meet the specifica- 
tions of the prophetic word; namely, the United States of 
America. 

No true child of the United States, looking back to the 
days of the nation's birth can refrain from a feeling of joy 
and pride. The purity of the lives of "the Fathers," the 
loftiness of their principles and precepts, and the rectitude 
of their intentions, challenge our admiration. The peace 
which comes with evening fills our breasts as we meditate 
upon the early hours of the Western Republic. 

The founders of the United States were not filled with 
greed and lust for power. These were not the motives 
which buoyed up the hearts of the colonists during the long 
and weary years of the Revolution. A far different light 
than this flashed from the heart-anvils at Valley Forge. 
They only asked that their inalienable rights to life, liberty, 
and the pursuit of happiness be accorded them. With that 
calm determination which lights up martyrs' faces they gave 
reference to the Supreme Judge of the world as to the rec- 
titude of their intentions. And for the support of the prin- 
ciples which they declared, with a firm reliance upon the 
protection of Divine Providence, they grandly said — "We 
mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and 
our sacred honor." 

Witness The Father of His Country stipulating that 
no pay should ever be given him for his services. Listen 
to the Christian modesty of his first inaugural address; — - 



J 




Portrait Parnted ht/ ^A/att 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



1 6 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

"Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have 
filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification 
was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the 
present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, 
whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a 
retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predeliction, and, in my 
flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my 
declining years, — a retreat which was rendered every day more 
necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to 
inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health, to the gradual 
waste committed on it by time, 

" On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to 
which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken 
in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scru- 
tiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence 
one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unprac- 
ticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly con- 
scious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dared 
to aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from 
a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be 
affected. . . . 

" Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience 
to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be 
peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent sup- 
plications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who 
presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can 
supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to 
the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a 
government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, 
and may ena.ble every instrument employed in its administration to 
execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. 

" In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and 
private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not 
less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than 
either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invis- 
ible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the 
United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the 
character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished 
by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolu- 
tion just accomplished in the system of their united government, the 
tranquil deliberations and voliititary consent of so many distinct com- 
munities from which the event has resulted can Jiot be compared with 
the means by which most govenments have become established with- 
out some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation 
of the future blessings which the past seems to presage. 




WASHINGTON'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 



i8 



BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 



"... Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have 
been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take 
my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign 
Parent of the human race in humble supplication that, smce he 
has been pleased ^o favor the American people with opportunities for 
deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with 
unparalleled unattiinity on a form of government for the security of 
their union, and the advancement of their HAPPINESS, so His 
divine blessing maybe equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, 
the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the 
success of this government must depend." 

Evervwhere, and in every way, peace, prayer, and 

unanimity seemed to 
breathe upon the birth- 
day of the United States. 
This was so even at the 
very time of the con- 
ception of the Constitu- 
tion in the womb of the 
Philadelphia Conven- 
tion. It was Benjamin 
Franklin who, in that 
hallowed temple in 
Philadelphia, ' ' proposed 
that the Convention be 
opened every morning 
by prayer." "The 

longer I live," said that 
grand old man, "the 
more convincing proofs I see that God governs in the affairs 
of men. I firmly believe that ' except the Lord build the 
house, they labor in vain that build it.' Without his con- 
curring aid, we shall be divided by our little local interests, 
succeed no better than the builders of Babel, and become 
a reproach and a by-word to future ages. What is worse, 




Franklin. 



ROME AND THE UNITED STATES. 19 

mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, 
despair of estabhshing government by human wisdom, and 
leave it to chance and war.''' 

Yes; it was indeed true that " the United States exhib- 
ited to the world the first instance of a nation unattacked 
by external force, unconvulsed by domestic insurrections, 
assembling voluntarily, deliberating fully, and deciding 
calmly concerning that system of government under which 
they and their posterity should live." 

From all of this it is clear that the thoughts and the 
specifications of the Bible prophecy were met and fulfilled 
in the thoughts and the hearts and the actions of the 
Fathers of the United States. Again and again the 
thought, yea, almost the exact words, of the sacred writer 
have been used by men of the world in describing the rise 
and growth of the United States. According to the Bible 
the nation must arise out of previously unoccupied terri- 
tory. One speaking of the beginning of the United States 
referred to ' ' the mystery of her coming forth from va- 
cancy, " and says, "like a silent weed we grew." 

" I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; 
and he had two horns like a lamb." Notice, in the beast 
itself there was nothing lamb-like. The qualities of the 
lamb are found in the horns which were upon the head of 
the beast. Now it is an unusual thing to associate even 
the thought of a horn with a lamb. And here is where the 
wonderful point in the prophecy occurs. A horn in the 
language of the Bible signifies power. In the prophetic 
books kings are often described under the symbol of a 
horn. The two horns upon the beast which in the proph- 
ecy symbolizes the United States represent the two under- 
lying principles upon which her government is based, and 
by which the powers of her governors are limited. These 



20 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

two principles are Republicanism and Protestantism. They 
have already been defined as follows: First, That govern- 
ment is of the people. This is the essence of Republican- 
ism. Second, That government is of right entirely separate 
from religion. This is the essence of Protestantism. 

These two things form the fundamental principles of 
the nation. They are the secret of all her power and 
prosperity. The oppressed and downtrodden of all Chris- 
tendom have turned to this land as the star of their inter- 
est and hope. By the millions the best and blest of earth 
have sought its shores, all because of the liberties guaran- 
teed by the Constitution in things civil and religious. 

It is Republicanism and Protestantism which have made 
the United States a lamb-like nation. All that is lamb-like 
in the nation resides in these two great pillars of principle. 
It is because of these two principles that the sifted wheat 
of all the earth has sought the soil of these United States. 
It is because of these two precepts of power that the 
United States has been a pleasant place in which to live. 
But when the day shall come when these shall have been 
abandoned, the government will cease to be lamb-like, and 
the United States will cease to be the pleasant place that 
it has been in the past. 

These two things, Protestantism and Republicanism, 
are the birthright of the century. Needless to say, they 
are the exact opposite of all that the Church of Rome has 
ever taught, believed, or practiced. The Fathers recog- 
nized that this was so. On that * ' mystic symbol of legal 
government," the Great Seal of the United States, this 
nation has recorded its thoughts concerning itself as it was 
in the beginning. On this seal are two inscriptions. One 
in Latin, "■ Novus Ordo Seculorum" — A New Order of 
Things; the other in English, "God hath Favored the 



AN EARL y FRIENDSHIP. 2 1 

Undertaking. " Republicanism as opposed to monarchy; — 
that government is of right of the people, rather than the 
divine right of kings, is the first principle in the New Order 
of Things. Protestantism as opposed to the tenets of the 
papacy; — that government is of right entirely separate 
from religion, is the second principle in the New^ Order of 
Things. 

These were the flaming topics, and the burning ques- 
tions at the close of the eighteenth century. These were 
the goodly heritage of the nineteenth. 

The Church of Rome heard these principles proclaimed 
from the United States, yet never a word of censure escaped 
her lips. The United States in her rise crippled no nation 
but England. England was an heretical nation herself. 
Therefore on that which injured her, Rome was silent. 
And here lay the secret of her silence. A little later these 
same doctrines were to sound in her old domain of France. 
Then the voice from the Vatican was heard, and the antag- 
onism of the ancient Church to these doctrines was made 
distinct and clear,— and THE BATTLE OF THE CEN- 
TURY WAS ON. 

AN EARLY FRIENDSHIP. 

In the early days of United States history what may 
seem to be a strange, but what was, nevertheless, a close 
alliance sprang up between the people of the infant United 
States of America and the men of the monarchy of France. 
Many of the most illustrious sons of France visited the 
United States, and a number of the most famous figures 
of the American Revolution spent some of the best years 
of their lives on French soil. 

From the outbreak of the American Revolution, France 
assisted the colonists in their struggle for civil and religious 



22 



BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 



liberty. An enthusiastic sentiment of devotion to ' ' liberty " 
and the "rights of man" was then growing up among 
youthful Frenchmen in all classes of society. Many young 
officers were eager to come to America. Some of these 
were fired with a burning desire to help the colonists. And 
this desire was born of an intelligent interest in the cause 
of civil and religious liberty which was at stake across the 
broad Atlantic. 

Most prominent among these men were La Rouerie, 

De Kalb, Rochambeau, 
Saint Simon, D'Estaing, 
La Grasse, the far-famed 
Marquis de Lafayette, 
and some fifty others 
of illustrious line. The 
majority of these came 
to America because they 
loved the cause for which 
the Americans were 
fighting ; and while here 
they became deeply im- 
bued with the principles 
so dear to the heart of 
every American in that 
time which tried men's 
souls. 

When Lafayette first arrived in Philadelphia, he met 
with a rather cold reception ; but after he declared his wish 
to serve as a volunteer, and at his own expense. Congress 
(July 31, 1777) appointed him a major-general. The 
next day he was introduced to General Washington, and 
the lifelong friendship between the two men commenced 
at once. 




Lafayette. 



AN EARL V FRIENDSHIP. 



23 



The part which the French nation played in assisting to 
secure independence, and consequently civil and religious 
liberty, for the people of the United States, is worth no 
small mention in the 
annals of history. In 
fact, by many great his- 
torians the question has 
been raised whether it 
would have been possi- 
ble for the colonists to 
have gained their inde- 
pedence without the help 
of the French. The 
following paragraph from 
the pen of John Fiske 
will certainly serve to in- 
terest the reader. It 
graphically describes the 
feeling of the French 
people toward the part 
which they played in America's memorable struggle: — 

"The French have always taken to themselves the credit of the 
victory of Yorktown. In the palace of Versailles there is a room, 
the walls of which are covered with huge paintings depicting the 
innumerable victories of France, from the days of Chlodwig to those 
of Napoleon. Near the end of the long series, the American visitor 
can not fail to notice a scene which is labeled ' Bataille de Yorcktown ' 
(misspelled, as is the Frenchman's wont in dealing with the words of 
outer barbarians), in which General Rochambeau occupies the most 
commanding position, while General Washington is perforce con- 
tented with a subordinate place. This is not correct history, for 
the glory of conceiving and conducting the movement undoubtedly 
belongs to Washington. But it should never be forgotten, not only 
that the four thousand men of Rochambeau and the three thousand 
of Saint Simon were necessary for the successful execution of the 
plan, but also that without the formidable fleet of La Grasse the plan 
could not even have been made. How much longer the war might 




General Berthier. 



24 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

have dragged out its tedious length, or what might have been its final 
issue, without this timely assistance, can never be known; and our 
debt of gratitude to France for her aid on this supreme occasion is 
something which can not be too heartily acknowledged." 

There is still one other name which must not be forgot- 
ten in the galaxy of those brave Frenchmen who linked 
their fortunes with those of the struggling citizens of the 
infant United States. Louis Alexandre Berthier (Bare- 
te-a), prince of Wagram, was born in Versailles, France, 
Nov. 20, 1753. He entered the army and became a cap- 
tain of dragoons. He came to America with the Marquis 
de Lafayette and served through the war of Independence, 
1778-82. Of this period of his life but little is known 
beyond the fact that he became intensely devoted to the 
principles for which Washington and his colleagues were 
fighting. Afterwards, Berthier was to appear in another 
land as the most important military figure in one of the 
most memorable and important of historical dramas. 

On the other hand, some of the most beloved of the 
Fathers of the United States were equally beloved by the 
people of France. Benjamin Franklin was perhaps as well 
known to the French as he was to the Americans. When 
he arrived in France, Dec. 21, 1776, there was the great- 
est excitement and rejoicing in the fashionable world. 
The great political and philosophical thinkers, D'Alembert 
and Diderot, regarded him as the embodiment of practical 
wisdom. To many of the French he seemed to sum up 
in himself the excellencies of the American cause — good 
sense, moderation, and justice. As symbolizing the liberty 
for which all France was yearning, he was greeted with 
a degree of popular enthusiasm such as perhaps no French 
man of letters, except Voltaire, has ever called forth. 
Storekeepers rushed to their doors to catch a glimpse of 



AN EARL V FRIENDSHIP. 



25 



him as he passed on the sidewalk, while in the evening 
salons bejewelled ladies vied with one another in paying 
him homage. 

The name of Jefferson, "the Sage of Monticello," is 
also intertwined with the history of France. In 1784 
Jefferson took up his abode in Paris. A year later he was 
appointed minister plenipotentiary to the king of France, 
"You replace Doctor 
Franklin," said the 
Count de Vergennes to 
him when he announced 
his appointment. Jeffer- 
son replied: "I succeed; 
no one can replace him." 

Jefferson always took 
a deep interest in the 
affairs of the people of 
France; "the people," 
said he, " are ground to 
powder by the vices of 
the form of govern- 
ment," and he wrote to 
Madison that govern- 
ment by hereditary rulers Jefferson. 
was "a government of wolves over sheep, or kites over 
pigeons." 

During his sojourn in Paris, he traveled a great deal, so 
as to learn the wrongs and woes of the peasantry. Fre- 
quently he would enter their houses and converse with 
them about their affairs and conditions. He would con- 
trive to sit upon the bed, in order to ascertain what it was 
made of. He generally managed to get a look into the 
boiling pot, to see what was to be the family dinner. He 

3 




26 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

told Lafayette that this was the only way to get at the 
truth of the evils of the ancient regime. Said he: "You 
must ferret the people out of their hovels as I have done, 
look into their kettles, eat their bread, loll on their beds, 
on pretense of resting yourself, but in fact to find if they 
are soft." His letters are full of this subject. He recurs 
again and again to the terrible inequalities of condition, 
the ignorance and incapacity of the hereditary rulers and 
the hapless destiny of nineteen-twentieths of the people. 
His compassion for the people of France was most intense, 
and no one possessed more than he a strong appreciation 
of their excellent qualities. 

The well-known Gouverneur Morris was present in 
France during many of the revolutionary years. James 
Monroe, afterward fifth president of the United States, 
arrived in Paris just after the fall of Robespierre. Monroe 
immediately took the side of the revolutionists, even to 
such an extent that when he addressed the French Conven- 
tion he allowed his enthusiasm to carry him beyond the 
limit of discretion. 

Last, but not least, must be mentioned the name of the 
extraordinary and eccentric Thomas Paine, With all his 
faults, he was nevertheless a principal and a noted actor in 
both the American and the French Revolutions; and had 
it not been for his scurrilous attacks upon religion, he might 
have enjoyed a place in the temple of fame. When Burke 
wrote his " Reflections on the French Revolution," Paine 
answered him in an able treatise entitled, "The Rights of 
Man." For this he was outlawed by the Court of King's 
Bench in England. He went to Paris, where he was 
received as a hero, and elected a member of the National 
Convention. 

From the foregoing it will be clear that in the latter 



THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION. 2 7 

part of the eighteenth century the great minds of France 
and America became thoroughly acquainted and deeply 
attached to one another, and the life-power necessary to 
start the revolution of France was begotten by sparks of 
American kindling. 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 

In 1789 the Constitution of the United States, safe- 
guarding the liberty of the citizens of the nation, became 
the fundamental law of the land. On the fourth day of 
March of that year the new government was organized; and 
on the thirtieth day of April, George Washington was inaug- 
urated first president of the United States. His address 
upon that occasion may well be taken as the birthnote of 
the nation, and in it appears a sentence which now almost 
seems prophetic: — 

"The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the 
destiny of the republican model of government, are justly 
CONSIDERED, PERHAPS, as deeply as fittally, staked on the experi- 
ment ENTRUSTED TO THE HANDS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 

The Father of his Country knew that the United States 
was destined to have an influence upon all the world. He 
also knew that if the American nation should ever aposta- 
tize from the principles of republican government, that 
model of government would come to an end in the world as 
it now is. He and his people believed this ' ' as deeply as 
finally. " These words are italicized in the original draft, 
made by Washington himself. 

The influence for liberty exercised by the United States 
was not long in being borne across the bosom of the stormy 
Atlantic to the shores of sunny France. 

On the fourth day of July of the same year, 1789, 
the United States kept her first birthday of liberty under 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 



29 



the Constitution. Ten days later, (on the fourteenth of the 
month) the French Revolution was formally opened by the 
destruction of that dread prison fortress, the hated 
Bastile of Paris; and to this day the fourteenth of July is 
reckoned by the French 
people as the birthday of 
liberty in their land. In- 
deed, it is to them the 
same as the ' ' glorious 
Fourth" is to the people 
of the United States. 

The outbreak of the 
French Revolution was 
followed by fierce denun- 
ciations from Rome. An- 
athema after anathema 
was hurled from the papal 
chair. France had always 
been Rome's most favored 
and her favorite nation. 
No other people had done 
so much as France to assist 
the church of Rome into her 
place of great power. 

The ancient Franks until the time of Clovis were all 
pagans. In a. d. 496 King Clovis professed conversion. 
In the beautiful cathedral of Reims, with all the solemn 
splendor and magnificence of the papal ritual, the ferocious 
warriors of the terrible army which followed this monarch 
were enrolled in the ranks of the church militant. Clovis 
himself was anointed with "celestial oil," which, we are 
gravely told, was borne from heaven to earth in a vial, a 
snow-white dove being the carrier. Clovis and three thou- 
sand of his troops were there baptized, and their example 




King Clovis. 



30 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

was followed by the remainder of the "gentle barbarians." 
The baptismal sermon was performed with the utmost 
pomp. The church was hung with embroidered tapestry 
and white curtains ; odors of incense, like airs of paradise, 
were diffused around ; the building blazed with countless 
lights. When the new Constantine knelt in that font to be 
cleansed of his heathenism, "Fierce Sicambrian," said 
the bishop , " bow thy neck ; burn what thou hast adored, 
adore what thou hast burned." Later during the religious 
conference, the bishop dwelt on the cruelty of the Jews at 
the death of the Lord. Clovis was moved, but not to 
tenderness. " Had I and my faithful Franks been there," 
said he, "they had not dared to do it." 

The adoption of the Catholic faith arrayed upon the side 
of the Franks all the papal prelates and their followers. 
From one end of the Roman empire to the other, of all the 
princes and sovereigns of Christendom, Clovis alone was 
orthodox. 

The Franks were the chosen champions of Catholicism, 
and amply was their gallantry repaid by the church, which 
vindicated all their aggression upon innocent neighboring 
kingdoms, and aided in every way the consolidation of their 
formidable power. 

The French monarch received the title, ' ' Most Christian 
Majesty, " and " Eldest Son of the Church." Later, dur- 
ing the days of Pepin, the pope himself visited France, 
and in the monastery of St. Denis placed the diadem on 
Pepin, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord, 
making him king by "divine right!" and truly has the 
historian Michelet said, " This monarchy of Pepin, founded 
by the priests, was devoted to the priests." 

The French Revolution was a struggle for civil and 
religious liberty, it was an effort to throw off the yoke of 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 31 

king and pope. Pope Pius VI summarily condemned the 
most precious principles of the Revolution. He branded as 
devihsh the aspirations for equality and political liberty in 
the Declaration of Rights : — 

" The necessary effect of the Constitution decreed by the As- 
sembly," says he, "is to annihilate the Catholic religion, and that 
duty of obedience due to the laws. It is in this view that they 
establish as a right of man in society this absolute liberty, which 
not only secured the right of not being disturbed for one's religious 
opinions, but it also grants the license of thinking, speaking, writ- 
ing, and even of printing with impunity in the matter of religion, 
all that the most unregulated imagination can suggest; a monstrous 
right, which, nevertheless, appears to the Assembly to result from 
the equality and liberty natural to all men." 

Pius the Sixth treated as chimerical the liberty of 
thinking and acting, and he arose with energy against the 
refusal of the Assembly to declare Catholicism the na- 
tional and dominant religion. He compared the National 
Assembly to King Henry the Eighth, of England. He 
announced an approaching excommunication against the 
recalcitrants, and begged all the bishops of France to pre- 
vent the revolution from progressing. Such was the 
defiance which the Pope of Rome hurled against the revo- 
lutionaries of France. 

Long before this Rome had taught that the despotism 
of the Church and the despotism of the State were incul- 
cated by the Holy Scriptures. Bossuet had written a 
work entitled, "La Politique Tiree de I'Ecriture Sainte " 
— Politics Drawn from the Holy Scriptures. This learned 
catechism promulgated the idea as of God of a royalty 
without control, and a clergy without restraint. In it the 
king is represented as a god whose countenance rejoices 
his people as the sun, and whose indisputable caprices 
ought to be received on their knees. All the property of 



32 BATTLE OF THE CElSTTtlRV. 

the nation, according to Bossuet, belonged to the king, 
excepting the land of the Levites, with which the king 
ought not to concern himself, only to increase it. 

Pius the Sixth denounced the Legislative Assembly, and 
issued an encyclical proclamation in which he condemned 
the efforts of the French people to establish a republic. 
Here are his words : — 

"That Assembly, after abolishing the monarchy, which is the 
most natural form of government, had attributed almost all power 
to the populace, who follow no wisdom and no counsel, and have 
no understanding of things." 

He further instructed the bishops that all ' ' poisoned 
books" should be removed " from the hands of the faith- 
ful, by force or stratagem." He denounced the liberty 
after which France was striving, in imitation of the Amer- 
ican example. He declared it had a tendency to "corrupt 
minds, pervert morals, and overthrow all order in affairs 
and laws." He asserted in bold terms that the doctrine 
of the equality of men led to " anarchy " and the " speedy 
dissolution of society." 

THE CHURCH, THE LAND QUESTION, AND THE 
REVOLUTION. 

When the Revolution broke out in France, the wealth 
of the country was very unequally divided. Two thirds of 
the land belonged to the nobility and the clergy, who, so 
far as numbers were concerned, formed an insignificant 
part of the whole population; and the remaining one third 
was in the hands of the common people, whose poverty 
was most distressing. For many years a feeling had been 
growing that the great lands which the church owned 
had not been come by honestly; and, more than this, 



THE CHURCH LAND QUESTION'. 33 

that it was not befitting those who called themselves fol- 
lowers of the meek and lowly Master to possess so much 
while their brethren were lacking for food and raiment. 
One of the great complaints which the people made 
through their representatives during the time of the revo- 
lutionary government was that the Church had not come 
by her lands in a way befitting Christian men, and that 
these lands should be confiscated for the public benefit. 
After a prolonged discussion in the Assembly it was finally 
voted that the lands should be taken from the Church, 
sold at a low price, and the money used to pay the public 
debts. 

It is difficult at this late day and in this land for us to 
realize the state of feeling which existed in France over 
this question; but no one can read the history of those 
times without being deeply impressed with the thought that 
nothing had stirred the hearts or the passions of the peo- 
ple to enmity against the Church more than her possession 
of what they considered her ill-gotten gains; and the Scrip- 
tures had long before foretold that in the time of the 
French Revolution the land of the church "would be 
divided for gain." Dan. 11 : 39. 

This land had never even paid taxes, the same as others 
had to pay them; for the clergy had the privilege of meet- 
ing together and deciding how large a gift, in lieu of taxes, 
they would make to the crown, so that the whole matter 
of taxing themselves was in their own hands. 



34 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

FRANCE AGAINST THE WORLD. 

The feeling of the common people concerning their own 
condition at the time of the outbreak of the French Revolu- 
tion is tersely stated by the Abbe Sieyes: "What is the 
tiers-etat (third estate — common people)?" and he an- 
swered: "Nothing." "What ought it to be?" — "Every- 
thing." The people had no rights. The great struggle for 
independence which had taken place in America had stirred 
the common people of France like a thunder-clap. The 
heather had caught fire, and nothing could check the prog- 
ress of the conflagration. The nobles and the clergy left 
France in large numbers determined to gather armies in 
other nations and invade their native land and destroy 
the revolutionaries, together with the principles of liberty, 
equality, and fraternity which were their watchwords. 

The pope immediately took the lead in arousing the 
kings of Europe against the people of France. By bulls, 
edicts, and encyclical letters he warned the crowned heads 
of Europe that they must destroy the hydra-headed monster 
of civil and religious liberty which had commenced to grow 
in France. 

At this time Austria was the greatest of the Catholic 
powers of Europe, and she immediately turned all her 
strength against the struggling French. Prussia also threw 
her weight into the balance against the revolution; the 
Electorates were all open or concealed enemies. Russia 
was one of the first to declare against the revolution. For 
awhile England was neutral, but finally she, too, was 
drawn into the struggle. France stood absolutely alone, 
denounced in her struggle for liberty by the great Church 
and by the powers of Europe who were, to a greater or less 
extent, ruled by the great Church. 



FRANCE AGAINST THE WORLD. 35 

Then it was that the Assembly of France warned the 
sovereigns of Europe: " If yoii send us war, we will send 
YOU BACK LIBERTY." The common people of every land 
turned their eyes toward France for help. "Sovereigns 
began to hate and fear, the people to esteem us." And 
then it was that France told all who wanted liberty that 
she stood ready to give it to them. 

Within the borders of France itself all titles — count, 
marquis, baron, etc. — were abolished, and the simple 
word "citizen" substituted in their place, and applied to 
all alike. 

THE REPUBLICAN CALENDAR. 

Of all the extraordinary events which claim our atten- 
tion during this remarkable period, none is more interesting 
than the institution of the "Republican Calendar." In 
France, as in almost all the great nations of the world, 
the years were numbered from the birth of our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ, and the year in which the French 
Revolution broke out was known as the year of our Lord 
(Anno Domini) 1789. But the pope of Rome and his col- 
leagues in France had always taught that God was a king, 
that His authority was arbitrary, and hence all the idea 
which the people of France had of God and of His princi- 
ples of government was that He was a malicious tyrant who 
loved to see kings rich and prosperous, but who had no 
interest in the sufferings of the common people. 

Hence it was that a virulent hatred against the deity 
was developed by many of the leaders of the revolution. 
Hebert, Pache, and Chaumette openly declared that if 
they could, they would hurl God from His throne in heaven. 
It is hard to blame them for these feelings, because the 
kindness of God and gentleness of Christ had been so mis- 



36 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

represented by the religious leaders that it is no wonder 
that God and Christ should appear to the people of France 
to be no better than the tyrannical kings who had ruled 
over them here on earth. 

The people of France from the time of the Revolution 
began to count the years in a different way. The year of 
our Lord 1791 only aroused in their breasts thoughts of 
the tyranny which had been associated with all the years 
before. So dating from the time of the Revolution, they 
began to call the years, " Year One of Liberty," "Year 
Two of Liberty," etc. Afterward a change was made, and 
on the 24th of November, 1793, the republican calendar 
was adopted, and the years were called, ' ' Year One of 
the Republic," "Year Two of the Republic," etc. The 
reason for this whole change was because the thought of 
liberty was associated with the Revolution, and the thought 
of tyranny was associated with the name of Jesus Christ; 
and this is why all through that period the years ran under 
these new titles, and not according to the old count. 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SUNDAY. 

The strict enforcement of Sunday had always been the 
sign and seal of the authority of the Catholic Church. In 
France, Sunday laws were many and strictly enforced. It 
had been thought that to do any work on Sunday was as 
bad as to commit adultery; to throw a ball on Sunday was 
represented as being as great a sin as to do murder on a 
week day. It had been preached that to make a feast or 
a wedding dinner on that day was worse than for a father 
to take a knife and cut his son's throat. It was even 
taught that to ring more bells than one on the Lord's day, 
to call the people to church, was as great a sin as to do an 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SUNDAY. 37 

act of murder. There were laws in France forbidding to 
"travel, cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair 
or shave on Sunday." Food for Sunday must all be pre- 
pared on Saturday. Milkmen were not allowed to "cry 
the sale of their milk " except at certain hours on that day. 

The French clergy, backed by the pope, were deter- 
mined that Sunday should be kept according to the strict- 
es rules of the Pharisees. This was so not only in France, 
but everywhere throughout Europe wherever the papal 
power prevailed. In the year 1260, a Jew fell into a sink 
on Saturday — the Bible Sabbath, kept by the Jews. Out 
of reverence for the day he and his brethren would not 
permit that he should be drawn out on that day; the 
government officials out of reverence for Sunday would not 
permit him to be drawn out the next day, and by Monday 
morning he was dead. 

Toward the close of the thirteenth century, William Le 
Maire, bishop of Anglers, commanded "all and singular 
his rectors and curates to inhibit their parishioners, under 
the threat of the divine judgment, and the penalty of 
excommunication, from employing themselves in any serv- 
ile work on festival days, and especially barbers from 
shaving beards, or otherwise exercising the office of barbers 
on the Sundays; and even from blood-letting, except when 
there is imminent peril of death or disease." 

This same bishop also issued a similar prohibition to 
the people against • ' shaving themselves on Sunday, or 
receiving any barber-like office, on peril of their souls." 
He further forbade millers to grind their grain on Sunday. 

On the other hand, the people had been ordered to 
' ' frequent the temple of the Lord on the Lord's day, which 
is the day of the resurrection. " All who did not do this were 
to be excluded from the communion of the church: all were 



38 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

to be excommunicated who, while Hving in the city, did not 
come to church during three successive Sundays. Another 
canon ordered the excommunication of such as " shall leave 
church while the priest is preaching." And none were to 
be allowed to partake of the communion who "enter the 
church and hear the Scriptures read, but do not continue 
during prayers and the holy communion." 

The canons of the Council of Rouen, held in the seventh 
century, say: — 

"Let all the people be admonished that they come to morning 
and evening masses on Sunday. Let deacons, truthful and fearing 
God, be appointed to summon to worship the slothful and nisgligent, 
and to report them for punishment if they do not come.''' 

"Every Christian man," says Theodulphus, bishop of Orleans, 
in his capitularies, " should come on the sabbath day (Sunday) to the 
evening services: he should come to vigils or matins on the Lord's 
day; he should come with an oblation to the solemnity of the mass." 

By the supreme law of France it was commanded that 
on Sunday men should abstain from amusements, and 
should come to the priest or some wise and good man by 
whose preaching and good sayings "they may learn of 
those things which pertain to the soul." All were also 
instructed to sing and chant hymns'and psalms on the way 
to and from church, so that their pious feelings might be 
made known to all. 

Terrible judgments were reported to have been visited 
upon those who did not keep Sunday according to the 
ideas of the Church. For instance: — 

" A woman weaved after three o'clock on Saturday afternoon 
and was struck dead with the palsy. A man who made a cake at the 
same time found, when he came to eat it on the Lord's Day morning, 
that blood flowed from it. Corn ground by a miller was turned into 
blood, and the wheel of the mill stood immovable against the force 
of the water. A woman put her paste into the heated oven at this 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND SUNDAY. 39 

time, and when she thought it baked found it paste still. Another 
woman, by the advice of her husband, kept her paste until Monday 
morning, wrapped up in a linen cloth, and then found it ready baked." 

By the canons of 1571, men were restricted fronri sell- 
ing their wares, and peddlers were forbidden to peddle their 
goods, on Sunday. Inn-keepers were prohibited from 
admitting any to "drink, play at card tables or bowls." 
Shop-keepers must not keep their shops open. It is further 
directed that, "in fairs and common markets upon the 
Sundays, there be no showing of wares before the morning 
services, and the sermons, if there be any, be done." 

The laws which regulated business on Sunday were 
rigid. There were laws forbidding travel, trading, going to 
public meetings, except religious meetings, holding markets, 
keeping shops, selling shoes, exposing wool for sale, killing 
or selling meat, baking bread, protesting bills of payment, 
driving, attending theatricals, etc. In many places, per- 
mission had to be obtained to bathe, save a crop threatened 
by the elements with destruction, prepare food, even for 
the sick, catch herring or pilchards, sell mackerel, or play 
games of any kind. 

To yoke a pair of oxen to a cart, and walk by the side 
of it on the Lord's day, involved the loss of the right ox. 
The Council of Macon enjoined " that no one should allow 
himself on the Lord's day, under the plea of necessity, to 
put a yoke on the necks of his cattle ; but all be occupied 
with mind and body in the hymns and praises of God." 
The canon proceeded to add that anyone violating these 
precepts would draw down on his head "the wrath of 
God," and "the unappeasable anger of the clergy," a threat 
defined as equivalent, in the case of a countryman, to a 
" grievous flogging." 

In the thirteenth century we are told that there fell from 



40 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

heaven a celestial mandate enjoining the better observance 
of Sunday. It was found upon the altar of St. Simon, on 
Mt. Golgotha of Jerusalem, and humbly taken by the patri- 
arch and the Archbishop Akarias, "after that for three 
days and nights the people with their pastors had lain pros- 
trate on the ground, imploring the mercy of God." A copy 
of it was brought to Europe by Eustachius, abbot of Flay ; 
who, on his return from the Holy Land, preached- from city 
to city against the custom of buying and selling on Sunday. " 
Thus runs this peculiar and interesting document : — 

" I the Lord, who commanded you to keep holy my day, and ye 
do not keep it, as I said in my Gospel, heaven and earth shall pass 
away, but my words shall not pass away. I have caused to be 
preached to you that ye should repent, and ye have not believed ; 
and because ye do not keep holy the Lord's day; ye have had famine 
for a few days; but I speedily gave you abundance, and after that ye 
did worse. I will again, that from the ninth hour of the Sabbath to 
sunrise on the Monday, no work shall be done, but that which is 
good. And if any has transgressed, let him repent, and amend. And 
if ye do not obey this command, verily, I say unto you, that I will not 
send you any other commands by another letter, but I will open the 
heavens, and instead of rain, I will pour down upon you stones, and 
wood, and hot water, by night, so that ye shall not be able to guard 
against it, but I will destroy all the wicked men. This I say unto 
you: ye shall die the death, on account of the holy day of the Lord, 
and of the other festivals of my saints, which ye do not keep. I will 
send upon you wild beasts to devour you, etc. 

" Hear my voice, lest ye perish from the earth, on account of the 
holy day of the Lord, Depart from evil, and repent you of your 
wickedness. But if ye will not repent, ye shall perish like Sodom 
and Gomorrah. Now know, that ye are saved by the prayers of my 
most holy mother, Mary, and of my holy angels, who pray for you 
night and day; I have given you corn and wine in abundance, and ye 
have not obeyed me. For the widows and orphans call out 
against you daily, to whom ye show no pity. The pagans have com- 
passion, but ye have not. I will make the trees which bear fruit to 
wither up, for your sins, and the fountains shall give no water. 

" I gave you a law in Mount Sinai, which ye have not kept; I 
gave you a law by myself which you do not observe. For you I have 
been born, and ye know not the day of my festival. Ye wicked men! 



THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION AND SUNDA K 4 1 

ye do not keep the day of my resurrection. I swear to you by my 
right hand that unless ye keep the Lord's day, and the festivities of 
my saints, I will send upon you the Pagan nations to slay you. Yet ye 
take away the property of others, and ye have no respect for this. 
Therefore I will send upon you more fearful beasts, who shall devour 
the breasts of your women. I will curse those who do any evil on 
the Lord's- day. I will curse those who act unjustly towards their 
brethren. I will curse those who judge unjustly the cause of the 
widow and the orphan on the earth. But ye have left me and ye 
follow the prince of this world. Hear my voice and have compassion. 
But ye will not cease from your evil works, or from the works of the 
devil; for ye commit perjuries and adulteries. Therefore shall the 
nations surround you; and wild beasts shall devour you." 

Moved by this mandate, and the exertions of the abbot, 
we are told that people everywhere made a vow not to sell 
anything on Sunday unless meat and drink to famished 
travelers, and not to do any work on that day. 

But enough; suffice it to say that the laws of Church 
and State regarding Sunday had been rigidly enforced 
throughout France during the ancient regime. The result 
was that the common people had learned to hate Sunday, 

It was difficult for a man who fell into a well on Sun- 
day, and whom the law of Church and State would not 
allow to be pulled out until Monday, to see the God of 
love in such transactions. 

It was difficult for those who were not religiously 
inclined to be compelled to go to church on Sunday and to 
sit there till the service was out, whether they liked the 
preaching or not, to see the God of love and liberty in that. 

It was difficult for the young men and women of the 
country who toiled in the factory or on the farm from 
Monday morning until Saturday night, to believe that God 
had any share in making laws forbidding them to dance 
upon the common, or play a game of bowls, or disport 
themselves together in innocent pastimes. They thought 
that He who made the .sunshine and the shadow, the moun- 



42 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

tain and the valley, the stately tree and lovely flower, 
would not be so very angry if they enjoyed it all on the 
day which the Church called His own. But the desires of 
their heart were unlistened to, uncared for. They must 
not work; they must not play; they must go to church, 
whether they liked it or not, upon Sunday. 

But when the red hand of the Revolution ruled in the 
land, all things were destined to be changed. The Repub- 
lican calendar did away with the numbering of the years 
from the birth of the Lord, because the very name of 
Christ was a synonym of tyranny and an antonym of 
liberty. But this was not the only thing affected by the 
Republican calendar. The months were changed, and not 
only the months but the old-time practice of computing 
time by weeks — cycles of seven days — was abolished. 
The year was divided according to the metric system; the 
months were named according to the vicissitudes of the 
season. The French substituted, they said, 'the realities 
of reason for the visions of ignorance, the truths of nature 
for a sacerdotal prestige, the decade for the week, the 
decadi for Sundays. " 

The French ceased to count time by weeks. The old- 
style cycle of seven days was done away with; in its place 
cycles of ten days — decades — were established, and the 
days were numbered from one to ten. This new calendar 
was invented by a deputy of the name of Romme, who 
admitted that he invented it, "in order to get rid of 
Sunday." He presented it to the National Assembly, and 
it was voted on the 5th of August, 1793. Romme repre- 
sented the common people in the days of the Revolution. 
His acts and measures in the government were but the 
reflection of the people's hearts. For years and years the 
people had had Sunday forced upon them whether they 



THE FRENCH RE VOL UTION AND SUNDA V. 43 

liked it or not; keep it they must, according to the decrees 
of the State and of the Church. All this ultimately led to 
a place where the people arose en massc^ wiped the name 
of Sunday from the calendar, and changed the calendar so 
that the day could no longer in any possible way be kept 
or observed. 

This was the result of Sunday laws in those days, and 
a similar state of affairs is bound, in the very nature of 
things human, to be the result of Sunday laws in any clime 
on earth. Such laws are arbitrary, and in process of time 
they can only arouse the worst passions of the human 
breast. It makes no difference whether the day sought to 
be enforced be sacred or spurious, laws compelling the 
religious observance of any day will ultimately bring about 
just such a state of affairs as was brought about in France. 

Next, laws were passed in France which provided for 
the punishment of persons who made any attempt to keep 
the ancient Sunday. On the 28th of Brumaire, Year Six 
(Nov. 18, 1798), a decree was passed according to which 
the celebration of the tenth day was enforced. Duhot, 
one of the French representatives, who on account of his 
fiery and bitter zeal against Sunday has been styled the 
"Chevalier Decadaire," was the most active man in secur- 
ing the passage of this act. But this was not sufficient. 
The Jacobins in the council of Five Hundred, not content 
with having secured a decree enforcing the celebration of 
the tenth day, wished also that the celebration of Sunday 
should be formally prohibited. 

Some deputies observed that such a measure would 
place France below the states of the pope in the matter of 
religious liberty, but their amendment was rejected on the 
ground that it was not republican. "It is the external 
sign of a worship, " states the representative Duhot, "that 



44 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

closing of all shops. " " What ! " exclaimed he, ' ' the great 
priest of Rome, so long attacked by philosophy, and 
dethroned by your true defenders, is obliged to carry his 
vagabond piety from place to place; his ministers dare still 
to exercise amongst us an insolent despotism ; they forbid 
to work on Sunday, and prevent Catholic workmen from 
occupying themselves that day in their workshops." 

The Assembly took into serious consideration the 
proposition of transferring to the tenth day all the reli- 
gious festivals, and sent to the Commission, with its appro- 
bation, a motion, the purport of which was, that it was 
forbidden to close the shops on Sunday, the day sacred to 
rest by the ancient calendar. It was even proposed to 
grant special protection and privileges to tradesmen who 
would take an oath to keep their shops open upon Sun- 
days and upon festival days of the ancient calendar. 

Even all this was not enough. One deputy demanded 
that in place of reckoning the preceding centuries from 
the birth of Christ, they should reckon them backward 
from the foundation of the French republic ! Men who 
persisted in keeping Sunday were cast into prison. 

This was wrong; it was just as wrong for the revolu- 
tionaries to cast a man into prison for keeping Sunday as 
it was for the dignitaries of the Catholic Church to cast a 
man into prison for not keeping Sunday; but such actions 
were the legitimate fruit of the training which the church 
had given to the people. 




NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 



46 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 

When Napoleon marched across the Alps with the 
most wonderful of armies at his back, the northern part of 
Italy was largely dominated by Austrian influence. The 
center of the peninsula was ruled by the pope; the papal 
states comprised a goodly strip of territory over which the 
pope ruled, not only as spiritual head but as temporal 
monarch. The pope was pope, and the pope was king. 
Wherever Napoleon conquered in the northern part of 
Italy, he established small republics; there was the Cis- 
alpine republic, the Cispadane republic, and the republic 
of Genoa. The pope was angered beyond expression; he 
denounced these republics; he denounced the French repub- 
lic from whence they sprang. He did not content himself 
with defending the great maxims of the Church, but he 
constituted himself chief of the reaction movement in 
Europe, and boldly declared himself conjointly responsible 
for the ancient regime in France. In the commencement 
of the year 1791, the Chevalier d'Azra, ambassador of 
Spain, had caused to be conveyed to him a confidential 
memorial by the Cardinal De Bernis, who was on the eve 
of being replaced as ambassador of France by a moderate 
representative of the revolution. This memorial strongly 
counseled the pope to refuse to admit the Count De Segur 
into the diplomatic body, and thus openly to break with 
the new regime. 

The Chevalier d'Azra sought to establish a complete 
joint responsibility between the papacy and absolute mon- 
archy. The temporal power of the holy see is represented 
by him as the bulwark of uncontrolled monarchy and the 
rampart of the Catholic faith. Once that this temporal 
power is set aside, he stated that the revolution would be 



NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 47 

everywhere triumphant. He told the pope that to receive 
a representative of the revolution would be to receive a 
missionary of anarchy, an agent of the impious revolt 
which wished to attack the temporal power of the holy 
father and the sacred shield of his sovereignty. 

Everywhere in northern Italy, Napoleon was victorious. 
He sent Murat, his aide-de-camp, to present solemnly to 
the director of France twenty-one pair of colors taken 
from the enemy, and he then addressed the following 
proclamation to his soldiers: — 

"Soldiers! in a fortnight you have gained six victories, taken 
twenty-one pair of colors, fifty-five pieces of cannon, several fortresses, 
and conquered the richest part of Piedmont; you have made fifteen 
thousand prisoners, and killed or wounded more than ten thousand 
men: you have hitherto been fighting for barren rocks, rendered glori- 
ous by your courage, but useless to the country: you now rival by 
your services the army of Holland and of the Rhine. Destitute of 
everything, you have supplied all your wants. You have gained 
battles without cannon, crossed rivers without bridges, made forced 
marches without shoes, bivouacked without brandy, and often with- 
out bread. The republican phalanxes, the soldiers of liberty alone 
could have endured what you have endured, 

"Thanks be to you for it, soldiers ! Your grateful country will 
owe to you its prosperity, and, if your conquest at Toulon fore- 
boded the glorious campaign of 1793, your present victories forebode 
one still more glorious. The two armies which so lately attacked 
you boldly, are fleeing affrighted before you; the perverse men who 
laughed at your distress, and rejoiced in thought at the triumphs of 
your enemies, are confounded and trembling. But, soldiers, you 
have done nothing, since more remains to be done. Neither Turin 
nor Milan is yours; THE ASHES OF THE CONQUERORS OF 
TARQUIN ARE STILL TRAMPLED UPON BY THE MUR- 
DERERS OF BASSEVILLE. There are said to be among you 
some whose courage is subsiding, and who would prefer returning to 
the summits of the Apennines and of the Alps. No; I can not 
believe it. The conquerors of Montenotte, Millesimo, Dego, and 
Mondovi are impatient to carry the glory of the French people to 
distant countries! " 



48 BATTLE OF THE CENTtfRV. 

Thus spake Napoleon, the commander in chief of the 
army of the repubhc of France in Italy. Why fought this 
army all these battles ? What did the French republic 
with the land she conquered ? The northern part of Italy, 
as before stated, conquered by Napoleon, was converted 
into several small republics, in which civil and religious 
liberty had full sway. Whatever may have been the crimes 
of France, whatever the atrocious deeds of the red reign 
of terror, no voice from history can deny but that it was 
the intent of France to give liberty in things civil and reli- 
gious to the oppressed peoples of Europe. This France 
purposed; this Napoleon did. 

The climax of Napoleon's speech is interesting. His 
statement that "the ashes of the conquerors of Tarquin 
are still trampled upon by the murderers of Basseville," 
was one calculated to fire to a white heat the warlike pas- 
sions of his immortelles. Three years before this the 
French had sustained an actual injury from the pope and 
court of Rome. This injury was yet unavenged. The 
pope and his followers had been extremely provoked that 
the French residing in Rome had displayed the tricolor flag 
of the republic, and that they had proposed to exhibit the 
escutcheon of the republic over the door of the French consul. 

Certainly, there could be no just cause for complaint 
about this, as it is the undoubted right of the foreign am- 
bassadors and consuls in any land to hoist the flag of their 
country and display the coat-of-arms of the nation which 
they represent. But the pope had intimated his desire 
that this should not be done, and a popular commotion 
arose. Monsieur Basseville, the French envoy, was at- 
tacked in the streets by the emissaries of the papal gov- 
ernment. His house was broken into, and he himself, 
unarmed and unresisting, was cruelly assassinated. 




s/iowjng /he 
Papa/ S/a/es, 



NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 49 

By all international law the life of an envoy is sacred; 
but so great was the hatred of the pope and the rulers of 
the Papal States for the republic of France, and the prin- 
ciples for which that republic stood, that the most solemn 
of international usages and customs was trampled in the 
dust, and the life of the envoy sacrificed to the foaming 
passion of hatred against liberty. All of this had happened 
in 1793, but it was not forgotten in 1796. And now Na- 
poleon called upon his troops to avenge the life of the mur- 
dered ambassador. 

I have already stated that the central part of Italy was 
ruled by the pope. The provinces subject to the sway of 
his Holiness were situated on both sides of the Apen- 
nines, and extended from the Mediterranean on the west 
to the Adriatic on the east. The historians of the period 
agree that these provinces were the worst governed in all 
Europe. Says Thiers : — 

• ' Except in the legations of Bologna and Ferrara, where a pro- 
found contempt for the government of priests prevailed, and in Rome, 
the ancient abode of science and the arts, where a few nobles had 
participated in the philosophy of all the grandees of Europe, men's 
minds had remained in the most disgraceful barbarism. A supersti- 
tious and ferocious populace, and idle and ignorant monks, composed 
that population of two million and a half of subjects. The army 
amounted to four or five thousand men, everybody knows of what 
quality. The pope, a vain, ostentatious prince, jealous of his 
authority and that of the holy see, entertained a deep hatred for the 
philosophy of the eighteenth century. He had thought to recover 
for the chair of St. Peter part of its influence by displaying great 
pomp, and had undertaken works useful to the arts. 

" Reckoning upon the majesty of his person and the persuasion 
of his words which was great, he had formerly undertaken a journey 
to Vienna, to bring back Joseph II to the doctrines of the Church, 
and to counteract philosophy, which seemed to be taking possession 
of the mind of that prince. This attempt had not been successful. 
The pontiff, filled with horror of the French Revolution, had launched 
his anathema against it, and preached a crusade. He had even 
winked at the murder of Basseville, the French agent in Rome. 



50 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

Inflamed by the monks, his subjects shared his hatred against 
France, and were seized with fanatic fury on hearing of the success 
of our arms." 

The Directory of France commanded General Bona- 
parte, above" all things, to make Rome feel the power of 
the republic. All the sincere patriots in France insisted on 
this. The pope, who had anathematized France, preached 
a crusade against her, and suffered her ambassador to be 
assassinated in his capital, certainly deserved chastisement. 
The French government insisted that the holy see should 
revoke all the briefs issued against France since the com- 
mencement of the Revolution. This severely hurt the 
pride of the ancient pontiff. He summoned the college of 
cardinals, which decided that the revocation could not take 
place. The French government now determined to destroy 
the temporal power of the pope. 

Bonaparte, however, was not quite ready for this. He 
took away two of the finest of the papal provinces — the 
legations of Bologna and Ferrara, and made them a part of 
the Cispadane Republic. 

The time had come when the pope must settle with 
Bonaparte. The latter advanced as far as Tolentino, thirty 
miles south of Ancona. Here, on the ist of Ventose (Feb. 
19, 1797), the pope, for the time being, made his submission 
to the all-conquering general. He revoked all treaties of 
alliance against France, and for the first time formally 
acknowledged the republic, and declared himself in peace 
and good understanding with her. He agreed to pay to 
Napoleon thirty millions francs, two thirds in money and 
one third in diamonds or precious stones. The pope also 
agreed to turn over to General Bonaparte five hundred 
manuscripts, one hundred magnificent pictures, and the 
busts of Marcus and Lucius Brutus. Besides this, the pope 



NAPOLEON AND THE POPE. 51 

was to furnish eight hundred cavalry horses and eight hun- 
dred draught horses, buffaloes, and other productions of the 
States of the Church. He was also to disavow the murder 
of Basseville, and to pay three hundred thousand francs for 
the benefit of his heirs and of others who had suffered by 
the same event. All the works of art and the manuscripts, 
and at least some of the precious stones, were immediately 
sent off to Paris, where they were installed for the adorn- 
ment of the public buildings. Thus was fulfilled the scrip- 
ture contained in the eleventh chapter of Daniel, which 
speaking of France and her worship of the god of war says : — 

" But in his estate shall he honor the God of forces : and a god 
whom his fathers knew not shall he honor with gold, and silver, and 
with precious stones and pleasant things." 

Such was the Treaty of Tolentino, and it must be 
noticed that while Napoleon severely crippled the temporal 
power of the pope, he imposed no restrictions upon his 
spiritual authority; in fact, if the truth be told, with the 
exception of some of the most violent spirits in France, 
the French government and people had but little desire to 
injure the spiritual power of the pope. This was particu- 
larly true of Napoleon. He cared little or nothing whether 
the doctrines of the creed of St. Athanasius or of some 
other creed succeeded. It was nothing to him whether 
religionists held that there was such a place as purgatory 
or not. He cared naught for the doctrine of the immacu- 
late conception, or any of the other more purely religious 
teachings and tenets of the Roman Catholic Church. What 
he and the French people objected to was the way in which 
the pope had anathematized the civil and religious liberty 
for which they fought. They detested the papal power, 
because that power had called all the monarchs of Europe 
to arms against them in their struggle for freedom. These 



52 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

things lay at the bottom of the whole trouble between 
France and Rome. 

Soon after this, Napoleon left Italy and repaired to 
France, from thence starting on the famous expedition to 
Egypt. When he left the Italian peninsula, with the con- 
sent of the Directory, he placed in charge of the army of 
Italy, General Louis Alexandre Berthier, the soldier who 
had fought so faithfully by the side of the American colon- 
ists in their struggle for freedom across the blue Atlantic. 

THE DEADLY WOUND. 

And now the hour had arrived when the 1260 
years of the papal supremacy was to come to an end. 

The hands of the great clock of time stood upon the year 
1798. The day was the lOth of February, as we call it; ac- 
cording to the French count, it was the 22nd of Pluviose. 
Ever since the beginning of the Revolution in France, the 
government of the pope over the Papal States had been 
becoming more and more decrepit. An aged pope, whose 
pride was humbled, and aged, incapable cardinals, could 
scarcely uphold a state tottering on all sides. 

Already, at the suggestion of the people of the Cisal- 
pine republic, the march of Ancona had revolted from the 
authority of the pope, and formed itself into the Anconitan 
repubhc. Thence the democrats excited rebellion through- 
out the whole of the Papal States. The papal govern- 
ment had lost that splendor which dazzled the eyes of the 
people, since the contributions imposed at Tolentino had 
obliged it to give up the valuable movables and the pre- 
cious stones belonging to the holy see. The new taxes, 
the creation of paper money, fallen more than two thirds 
of its value, and the alienation of one fifth of the property 
of the clergy, had dissatisfied all classes, and even the 
ecclesiastics themselves. 




GENERAL BERTHIER TAKING THE POPE PRISONER. 



54 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

The grandees of Rome, who had acquired some of the 
knowledge diffused throughout Europe during the eight- 
eenth century, loudly murmured against such a feeble gov- 
ernment, and said that it was high time the temporal rule 
of the Roman States should be transferred from the hands 
of ignorant, incapable monks, unacquainted with secular 
affairs, to those of real citizens, experienced in the business 
of life, and possessing a knowledge of the world. 

On Dec, 26, 1797, the French embassy in Rome was 
attacked, and young General Duphot, who was only anxious 
to preserve the peace, was fired upon by the papal troops 
and killed. This event produced a great sensation, and 
then it was that the Directory of France ordered General 
Berthier to march upon Rome. As before stated, he 
arrived on the loth of February, 1798. His soldiers 
paused for a moment to survey the ancient and magnificent 
city. The castle of St. Angelo quickly surrendered. The 
pope, for the time being, was left in, the Vatican, and 
Berthier was conducted to the capitol like the Roman gen- 
erals of old in their triumph. The democrats, at the sum- 
mit of their wishes, assembled in the Campo Vaccino, in 
sight of the remains of the ancient forum, and proclaimed 
The Roman Republic. A notary drew up an act by which 
the populace, calling itself the Roman people, declared 
that it resumed its sovereignty mid constituted itself a 
republic. 

Meantime Pope Pius VI had been left alone in the 
Vatican. Messengers were sent to demand the abdication 
of his temporal sovereignty. There was no intention of 
meddling with his spiritual authority. He replied that he 
could not divest himself of a property which was not his, 
but which had devolved on him from the apostles, and was 
only a deposit in his hands. This logic had but little 



THE DEADLY WOUND. 55 

effect upon the republican generals of France. The pope, 
treated with the respect due to his age, was removed in 
the night from the Vatican, and conveyed into Tuscany. 
From thence he was taken to Valence, France, where he 
died attended by a solitary ecclesiastic, and for two years 
there was no pope. 

Thus came to an end the days of the papal supremacy 
as foretold in Holy Writ; thus was the papal power 
wounded as it were unto death. And it is now only fair 
to ask, What was the real cause of the destruction of the 
papal power } Why did France hate the papacy } Why 
was the temporal power of the pope abolished, and a 
republican form of government set up in its place .'* The 
questions are easy of answer. 

Across the broad Atlantic the flame of civil and religious 
Hberty had sprung up. The tongue of fire had spread to 
France. From France it darted through Europe down 
into the Italian peninsula. The pope had declaimed 
against it; he had declared again and again that the 
doctrine that governments derived their just powers from 
the consent of the governed was of the devil. He had 
further declared that the doctrine that the Church and 
the State should be kept everlastingly separate was born 
in the infernal regions, and to the infernal regions he 
consigned the whole. 

It was because the papacy fought against these two 
principles, that she received the death blow to her su- 
premacy — the deadly wound of the Scripture. France, 
her favorite wife and daughter, the nation which, through 
Clovis, had made the papacy great, was the chosen instru- 
ment of God to inflict this " deadly wound." But France 
had received her inspiration from the United States, so 
that the power flowing like red blood from the government 



56 



BATTLE OF THE CENTURY, 



of France into the arm of Berthier and his terrible legion- 
aries had its fountain head in the United States of 
America. 

All of this occurred in the dying years and on the very 
grave, as it were, of the eighteenth century, and born of 
the ashes of the struggle was the precious birthright of 
civil and religious liberty bequeathed to the infant nine- 
teenth century. 

THE HOLY ALLIANCE. 

For two years after the taking of Rome by Berthier 
there was no pope. Then Pius VII was elected at Venice, 

March 14, 1800; and in 
1 808 the Papal States were 
formally annexed to France 
by Napoleon. After the 
fall of Napoleon and the 
break-up of the power of 
France, the next important 
event of history which chal- 
lenges our attention in this 
connection is the Holy Al- 
liance. The Treaty of the 
Holy Alliance was signed 
Sept. 26, 181 5. It was 
really a profession of relig- 
ious and political faith, "by 
which the sovereigns of 
Europe delivered from the iniquities of Napoleon, were 
henceforth to maintain the reign of peace and righteous- 
ness on earth." It was signed by the czar of Russia, the 
king of Prussia, the emperor of Austria, and other of the 
great potentates of Europe. The whole thing was really 




President Monroe. 



THE HOLY ALLIANCE. 57 

gotten up by the pope, and was nothing more nor less 
than the combining of the monarchs of Europe, at the 
instigation of the papacy, against the principles of civil 
and religious freedom. It was an effort upon the part of 
the monarchists of Europe to give renewed prominence to 
the idea that kings govern by divine right, and to establish 
the union between church and state so completely that 
it could never again be disturbed. 

The sovereigns of the Holy Alliance had massed large 
armies, and they soon entered into a pledge to devote them 
to the suppression of all uprisings of the people in favor of 
free government. The congress first met at Vienna, later 
at Verona, where the monarchs solemnly pledged them- 
selves to do everything in their power to prevent the 
establishment of popular governments, and to unite their 
interests in preserving monarchical institutions wherever 
they existed, and in re-establishing them where they had 
been set aside by the people. 

Thus spake the monarchs. Across the water, in the 
United States, James Monroe was president; and as a 
countermove to what was going on in Europe, he enunciated 
the famous Monroe Doctrine. The essence of the Monroe 
Doctrine is summed up in a single sentence: — 

" We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations 
existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that 
we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system 
to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety." 

And immediately after this there was enunciated the 
solemn declaration: — 



"With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European 
power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere," 



58 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

In other words, the American government told the gov- 
ernments of Europe that while they could not prevent 
their efforts against popular government in Europe, they 
would consider any move upon the part of the European 
governments to establish "their system " (imperialism) on 
American soil as a proper cause for interference by the 
United States. 

POPE PIUS IX. 

Pope Pius IX ascended the papal throne in the year 
1846. His was a long, long reign, lasting until 1878. 
During its entire length the people of the Papal States kept 
petitioning him for a constitution and a republican form of 
government. Once he was besieged in Rome by twenty 
thousand of his own troops, aided by the entire body of 
the people. The belfry of San Carlino was occupied; 
from behind the equestrian statues of Castor and Pollux, a 
group of sharpshooters fired their rifles; next two six- 
pounder cannons appeared on the scene, and were duly 
trained against the main gate of the Quirinal palace. A 
truce was then proclaimed, and another deputation was 
given an audience with the pope. 

The deputation were bearers of the people's ultimatum, 
and they now declared that they would allow his Holiness 
one hour to consider; after which, if not adopted, tJiey 
announced their firm purpose to break into the Quirinal, 
and put to death every inmate thereof, zuith the sole and 
single exception of his holiness himself. The pope yielded, 
and at once the cry rent the air: "The Sovereign Has 
Given Us a Republic ! " But no sooner had the people 
dispersed, than the promised reforms were abandoned, and 
the pope simply broke his word. For awhile things 
dragged on. The end came in 1870. In that year the 



POPE PIUS IX. 59 

people of the papal territories voted to throw off the yoke 
of the temporal sovereignty of the pope, and to unite with 
the kingdom of Italy. There were 167,548 voters. Of 
these 133,681 voted in favor of the union, and there were 
only 1,507 votes cast against it. On Sept. 20, 1870, the 
army of Italy entered Rome. And the work which Berthier 
had begun was completed by Victor Immanuel. The battle 
which had raged through the centuries was won to the 
cause of liberty. The persistent refusals of the pope to 
grant popular government was the cause of his downfall. 
The papacy stood opposed to republics on principle, and 
held to the divine right of kings. It was the movement in 
favor of 'popular government which enthroned the pope. 

Republican government drew its first full breath on 
American soil. From the United States the precious light 
had gone forth through all the world, and almost every 
government of the earth had been influenced by it. In 
resisting this light, the papacy had fallen. 

THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 

It was the American principles of civil and religious 
liberty which brought to an end the twelve hundred and 
sixty years of the papal supremacy and inflicted the deadly 
wound in 1798. It was the leaven of those same Ameri- 
can principles still working which caused the people of the 
restored Papal States to demand of Pope Pius IX a republi- 
can form of government. And once more it was those 
same principles which brought Victor Emmanuel 
and the army of Italy to the capital of the Pontiff in 
1870. 

To put it bluntly, civil and religious liberty had come to 
earth in power in the American Revolution. From the 
infant republic they had taken swift flight across the ocean 




VICTOR EMMANUEL ENTERING ROME. 



THE DEADLY WOUND. 6i 

to the kingdom of France. The people of France arose 
and demanded these inestimable boons. The papacy 
arrayed herself against the people of France. In truth 
and reality it was not the people with whom she was 
at outs. It was the principles for which they struggled. 
It was civil and religious liberty. 

There is a cause for every war. The causes of some 
wars are trivial; the causes of others are momentous and 
far-reaching. 

Now the primal, the fundamental, the basic cause of 
the war between Napoleon and the pope was this: the 
F'rench people declared that civil and religious liberty — 
government by the consent of the ^governed, and religion 
separate from the state — were the natural rights of man, 
and that all men were justly entitled to them. 

The papacy opposed these principles both in theory and 
practice, and over the theory and practice of these princi- 
ples war was waged between the two. 

The event of the war was victory for Napoleon and 
vanquishment for the pope: the principles of civil and 
religious liberty — the principles which France had learned 
from America — prevailed; the theories of despotism, both 
civil and religious — the theories of Rome — were defeated. 

Viewed from the standpoint of the true inwardness of 
things, there was a triumph gained by civil and religious 
liberty, over civil and religious despotism. Two angels of 
light had fought against two dragons of darkness, and the 
dragons of darkness were cast out. 

The civil and religious liberty which accomplished all of 
this came from the United States. It was the first fruits 
of that shot fired by the embattled farmers at Lexington 
and Concord, and heard around the world. It was the 
direct result of the American idea. So that in truth, and 



62 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

in the real essence of things it was the United States which 
delivered to the papacy "the deadly wound." The deadly 
wound was those two immortal truths, (i) government is 
of the people, and (2) government is of right entirely 
separate from religion. And it logically follows from this, 
that should the United States ever depart from these two 
principles, which were the new order of things, — the 
undertaking which God favored, and the deadly wound in 
the breast of Rome, — it logically follows, I say, that in 
this very act she would in one and the same stroke re- 
establish the old order of things, and heal the deadly 
wound once delivered to the Church of Rome. 

In Rev. 13 : 3 it is plainly foretold that the deadly 
wound will be healed. "The deadly wound was healed," 
are the words of the Scripture. 

Again the prophet speaking of the beast that " had two 
horns like a lamb," yet which " spake as a dragon," — the 
United States, — said: " And he exerciseth all the power of 
the first beast [papal Rome] before him, and causeth the 
earth and them that dwell therein to worship the first 
beast, whose deadly wound was healed." Rev. 13:12. 
From this it is clear, not only that the deadly wound 
delivered to the papacy in 1798 is to be healed, but worse 
than this, that the United States, the power which admin- 
istered the deadly wound, will ultimately be the one who 
will bring about the restoration of the papacy to her old 
place of power; even as it is written of the United States, 
"she causeth the earth and them that dwell therein to 
worship the beast." In brief, the sure word of prophecy 
foretold that the deadly wound would be healed, the 
papacy restored, and that this would be by the action 
of the United States, the very power which through 
France wounded and degraded the papacy in 1798. 



THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 63 

There is still another thought brought out in the verse, 
which describes the United States. For the sake of per- 
spicuity let the text be cited again: "And I beheld another 
beast coming up out of the earth; and he had two horns 
like a lamb, and he spake as a dragon." 

I have already shown that the ' ' two horns like a lamb" 
represent Republicanism and Protestantism. These two 
things are the absolute opposite of anything pertaining to 
the nature of the voice of a dragon. Still the two are 
represented through the symbol as being each and both a 
part of the beast symbolizing the United States. In other 
words, there will be a profession of Republicanism and 
Protestantism upon the part of the United States until the 
very end. She will always claim to be a republic. She 
will never cease to call herself Protestant. The names of 
these two blessed boons will remain and be worshiped. 
The image will continue to be revered, but the sacred 
breath and fire which once warmed the image to life will 
have fled away. 

Now what is the intrinsic 'meaning of the expression, 
"And he spake as a dragon" } The dragon is a symbol 
of the devil, for it is written: "And there was war in 
heaven: Michael and his angels fought against the dragon; 
and the dragon fought and his angels, and prevailed not; 
neither was their place found any more in heaven. And 
the great dragon was cast out, that old serpent, called the 
devil, and Satan, which deceiveth the whole world: he 
was cast out into the earth, and his angels were cast out 
with him." Rev. 12 : 7-9. 

The dragon is the devil. Now what is it to speak as 
the dragon } What did Lucifer the Son of the morning, 
ever say that made him the devil — the dragon } — " How 
art thou fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning! 



64 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

how art thou cut down to the ground, which didst weaken 
the nations ! For thou hast said in thine heart, I will 
ascend into heaven, I will exalt my throne above the 
STARS OF God: I will sit also upon the mount of the con- 
gregation, in the sides of the north: I will ascend above 
the heights of the clouds; I will be like the Most High. 
Yet thou shalt be brought down to hell, to the sides of the 
pit." Isa. 14:12-15. Mark well his words: "I will 
exalt my throne above the stars of God." These are the 
utterances of monarchy. There is no sentiment of repub- 
licanism in this. The stars of God are angels of God. 
Satan proposed to exalt his throne above them. He pro- 
posed to set himself up as a ruler over them without their 
consent. He intended to substitute in the place of God's 
government of love, his own government of arbitrary force. 
The result of this was that there was war in heaven, and 
the devil — the dragon — was cast out. 

The conclusion from this finding, concerning the spirit 
and the speech necessary to constitute the voice of a 
dragon, in the case of the United States, can only be that 
while there comes no bloody revolution, destroying the doc- 
trine of the Fathers, there will be a quiet revolution, which, 
while it retains the names of Republic and Protestant, 
will do the acts of monarchy and of papacy. 

This quiet revolution has already commenced. Silently, 
yet swiftly and surely, as man's march to the grave, it is in 
progress, sapping the life from Republicanism and Protes- 
tantism; implanting the seeds of monarchy in reality, 
though not in name. Its birth is the coming of the death- 
angel. The very seeds of it are pregnant with dissolution. 
Ever since 1 898 this quiet revolution has been going on. 

The immortal principles of civil and religious liberty, 
born and cradled in the United States in the closing part 



THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 65 

of the eighteenth century, are being abandoned by the 
nation which gave them birth. The sacred self-evident 
truths, which stabbed the papacy to the heart, are now 
being characterized as nursery rhymes; good enough to be 
sung around the cradle of the nation, but not worthy of 
serious consideration at the present time. 

Here are a few things which leading men and newspa- 
pers are saying: — 

" A constitution and national policy adopted by thirteen half- 
consolidated, weak, rescued colonies, glad to be able to call their life 
their own, can not be expected to hamper the greatest nation in the 
world." — Franklin MacVeagh. 

" This nation has become a giant, who is no longer content with 
the nursery rhymes which were sung around the cradle." — Presi- 
dent Northrop, at Chicago Peace Jubilee Banquet. 

"In the right to acquire territory is found the right to govern; 
and as the right to govern is sovereign and unlimited, the right to 
govern is a sovereign right, and I maintain is not limited in the Con- 
stitution. / think it mtist be admitted that the right to govern is sov- 
ereign and nnlimited. . . . Governments derive their just powers 
from the consent of some oi the governed. — Senator Piatt, of Con- 
necticut, in the United States Senate. 

"The Declaration of Independence was made to suit a partic- 
ular existing condition of things. The Declaration meant simply 
that the colonies had become tired of the British domination, deem- 
ing it oppressive, and intended to set up a government of their own 
by the right of revolution. They were not laying down a principle 
for anybody except themselves, and they had no conception of the 

'consent of the governed ' as it is proclaimed by Mr. and the 

generally hypocritical gang who , are sympathizing with him in 
the hope of cheating us out of our rightful conquests." — New 
York S7in. 

" It is a favorite notion now to quote the words, ' Governments 
are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed,' as if these embodied a law of application 
to all inhabitants alike. ... It was never the intention of the 
signers of the Declaration to assert that the negroes or the savage 
race must give consent before just government should be established 
over them. . . . The Declaration of Independence was a formal 
notice that the inhabitants of the colonies consented no longer to 
British rule." — The New York Tribune. 



66 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

"We would inform Senator Vest that the idea that all men are 
created equal is not the fundamental law of this country. The 
Fathers had better sense than to put that phrase in the Constitu- 
tion. They wrote it in the Declaration, which was simply their 
manifesto to European powers, and is not law," — The Chicago Times- 
Herald. 

"Resist the crazy extension of the doctrine that government 
derives its just powers from the consent of the governed." — White- 
law Reid. 

"And so to-day there are those that wave the Declaration of 
Independence in our faces, and tell us that the thing to do is to de- 
liver over those islands of the archipelago in the East to the people 
who are their rightful masters; for ' all governments derive their 
just powers from the consent of the governed.' So wrote Thomas 
Jefferson. Do you remember that the Lord said to Joshua, ' My 
servant is dead ' ? And so is Thomas Jefferson. I do not believe 
that Thomas Jefferson was infallible. I believe that a live president 
in the year of grace 1899 is just as much of an authority as a pres- 
ident that lived and died a hundred years ago. I am no worshiper 
of a saint just because he is dead. Let the dead bury the dead. 
As to that halloived document that declares that all governmetits derive 
their just powers from the consent of the gO'Z'erned, if that is to be lit- 
erally construed, there was never a greater falsehood palmed off by the 
devil upon a credulous world.'' — Rev. P. S. Henson, Chicago, in 
Auditorium mass-meeting, Sunday, May 7, i8gg, printed in the Chi- 
cago Times -Herald, May 8, iSgg. 

This is not all. This revolution has passed from the 
realm of the press, pulpit, and platform, into the realm of 
action and practice. 

The declaration of war against the kingdom of Spain 
was adopted on the i8th of April, 1898, by a vote of 42 to 
35 in the Senate, and 311 to 6 in the House. It clearly 
sets forth the policy of the government at that time: — 

"First. That the people of the island of Cuba are, and of 
right ought to be, free and independent. 

" Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any dispo- 
sition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control 
over said islands, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its 
determination when that is accomplished, to leave the government 
and control of the island to its peoile." 



THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 6/ 

That was in the spring of 1898. The war with Spain 
is long since a closed episode of history, but Cuba is not 
free and independent. She has simply changed masters. 

Recently it was enacted into statute by the United 
States Congress: — 

"That the government of Cuba consents that the United States 
may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban 
independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the 
protection of hfe, property, and individual hberty, and for discharg- 
ing the obhgations with respect to Cuba imposed by the Treaty of 
Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by 
the government of Cuba. 

"That the government of Cuba will execute, and as far as nec- 
essary extend, the plans already devised or other plans to be mutu- 
ally agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of the island, to the 
end that a recurrence of epidemic and infectious diseases may be 
prevented, therefore assuring protection to the people and commerce 
of Cuba as well as to the commerce of the southern ports of the 
United States and the people residing therein." 

There is no real freedom, no real independence, in this. 
There is not in this that which will satisfy the hearts of 
men longing to govern themselves. There is in it, how- 
ever, a direct repudiation of the doctrine that governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. 
From this I pass to the case in the Philippines. 

In the United States Senate, Wednesday, Feb. 27, 
1900, and in the House of Representatives, Thursday, Feb. 
28, 1 90 1, there was enacted, for the governing of the Phil- 
ippine Islands, the following: — 

"All military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern 
the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaties concluded 
at Paris on the loth day of Dec, 1898, and at Washington on the 
7th day of November, igoo, shall, until otherwise provided by Con- 
gress, be vested in such person and persons, and shall be exercised 
in such manner, as the president of the United States shall direct 
for the establishment of civil government and for maintaining and 
protecting the inhabitants of such islands in the free enjoyment of 



68 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

their liberty, property, and religion: provided, that all franchises 
granted under the authority hereof shall contain a reservation of the 
right to alter, amend, or repeal the same." 

First of all, it is to be noticed that this is a distinct 
abandonment of the Constitution, and a distinct abdication 
of its powers by the Congress of the United States; for 
Section i of Article i of the Constitution of the United 
States says: — 

"AH legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a 
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and 
House of Representatives." 

Secondly, Section i of Article III of the Constitution 
says : — 

"The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 
supreme court and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from 
time to time ordain and establish." 

Now when the Constitution definitely confines to Con- 
gress all legislative powers granted, and to a supreme court, 
and such inferior courts as may from time to time be pro- 
vided, all judicial powers; and then Congress passes over 
to, and vests in, " such person and persons ... as the 
president of the United States shall direct," all civil and 
judicial powers necessary to govern territory of the United 
States: that is nothing less than for Congress so far to 
abdicate its own powers, and, so far, to take away from 
the courts their powers. It is also a clear abandonment 
of the Constitution of the United States so far as the 
Philippine Islands are concerned, and, in principle, so far 
as any place is concerned. 

Nor is this abandonment of the Constitution merely 
tacit, by the wording of the law relating to the government 
of the PhiHppine Islands; it is explicit, and was repeatedly 



THE HEALING OF THE WOUND. 69 

confirmed. For an amendment was proposed to the Philip- 
pine section of the bill, as follows : — 

"Sec. — That the Constitution of the United States is hereby 
extended over and declared to be in force in the Phihppine Islands 
so far as the same or any provision thereof may be applicable." 

This was rejected, by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty- 
three; not voting, twenty-six. 

Afterward there was offered the following amendment: — 

'■'■ And provided further, That no judgment, order, nor act by any 
of said officials so appointed shall conflict with the Constitution 
and laws of the United States." 

That amendment was rejected by a vote of forty-five to 
twenty-five; not voting, eighteen. 

After this an amendment was offered requiring that — 

"Every person in whom authority is vested under this grant of 
power shall take an oath to support the Constitution of the United 
States." 

This was also rejected, by a vote of forty-one to twenty- 
five; not voting, twenty-two. 

After this there was offered the following amendment: — 

" All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenses where 
the proof shall be evident or the presumption great. All fines shall 
be moderate, and no cruel or unusual punishment shall be inflicted. 
No man shall be deprived of his life, liberty, or property but by the 
judgment of his peers and the law of the land. If the public exigen- 
cies make it necessary for the common preservation to take the 
property of any person, or to demand his particular services, full 
compensation shall be made for the same. No ex post facto law or 
law impairing the obligation of contracts shall be made. No law 
shall be made which shall lay any person under restraint, burden, or 
disability on account of his religious opinions, professions, or mode 
of worship, in all of which he shall be free to maintain his own, and 
not burdened for those of another." 

This, too, was rejected, by a vote of forty-one to twenty- 
three; not voting, twenty-four. 



70 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

When, thus, it had been voted, over and over again, 
to bestow unlimited power upon such persons as the presi- 
dent shall name to govern the Philippine Islands, then 
attempt was made to limit the time of the exercise of this 
power. Accordingly, an amendment was offered, limiting 
this time to March 4, 1903. But this was rejected by a 
vote of forty-three to twenty-six; not voting, nineteen. 

When it had been so positively decided that unlimited 
power should be given to these men, and for unlimited 
time, an attempt was made to give the Filipinos a part in 
the government of themselves. Accordingly, an amend- 
ment was offered as follows : — 

"... and secure to them such participation in the aifairs of 
the civil government so to be established as shall be consistent with 
the safety of the government." 

But this was rejected by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty- 
three; not voting, twenty-six. 

When it had thus been explicitly and confirmedly settled 
that the powers of such men as the president shall appoint to 
govern the Philippines, shall be unlimited; shall be unlim- 
ited for all time; and shall be absolute over the people of 
the islands, and when thus the chief executive of the United 
States is permitted to give to five men " a power which, in 
the height of his glory, the American people never would 
have intrusted to George Washington, " attempt was made to 
save at least a vestige of Constitutional liberty as follows : — 

'■'■Mr. Hoar: Mr. President, there is one principle of Constitu- 
tional liberty not yet slain, and I desire to give it a chance for its 
life. I move the amendment which I send to the desk, to be inserted 
at the end of the bill. 

" The Presiding Officer: The senator from Massachusetts sub- 
mits an amendment which will be stated. 

" The Secretary: It is proposed to add as a new section the fol- 
lowing: — 



i:. 




z 

'-A. Sif^ff 

s 

o 



72 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

" ' In the government of the Philippine Islands no person vested 
with legislative powers shall ever exercise the executive or judicial 
powers, or either of them; no person vested with executive powers 
shall ever exercise the legislative or judicial powers, or either of 
them; no person vested with judicial powers shall ever exercise the 
legislative or executive powers, or either of them; to the end that 
it may be a government of laws and not of men.' 

" The Presiding Officer: The question is on the amendment of 
the sena.tor from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] to the amendment of 
the committee. 

Mr. Jones, of Arkansas, and Mr. Pettus called for the yeas and 
nays. 

"The yeas and nays were ordered, and the secretary proceeded 
to call the roll." 

And even this last principle of constitutional liberty 
was slain. It was rejected by a vote of forty-three to 
twenty-six; not voting, nineteen. See the whole account 
in the Congressional Record, dated Wednesday, Feb. 27, 
1 901. 

As already stated, the next day but one — Friday, 
March i — the House of Representatives passed this legis- 
lation, as it came from the Senate, without any change 
whatever. As it was all done at the demand of the presi- 
dent, it was all approved by him when it came before him 
to be signed. And thus the government of the United 
States has, in principle, and for the Philippines in practice, 
deliberately and expressly repudiated every principle of its 
Constitution as a republican government. Not a single 
item, nor even an iota, of the principle of republican or 
constitutional government remains. 



CHURCH AND STATE IN THE PHILIPPINES 73 

THE UNITED STATES AND THE CHURCH OF ROME IN THE 

PHILIPPINES. 

In the treaty with Spain, the rights of Rome in church 
properties were guaranteed. As these rights in the Philip- 
pines had long formed a bone of contention between the 
natives and the Spanish government, a substantial gain was 
made by the Church on this account. That the Vatican 
recognizes this is made clear in an audience granted 
Archbishop Ireland by the pope. He said : — 

" ' We are well pleased with the relations of the American gov- 
ernment to the Church in Cuba and the Philippines. The American 
government gives proof of good will, and exhibits a spirit of justice 
and respect for the rights and liberties of the church. You will thank 
in my name the president of the republic for what he has done.' 
Of course, the pope feels to thank the president of the United 
States for what he has done. The president, jointly with the pop6, 
it is asserted, appointed Monsignor Chapelle 'to restore the friars to 
their parishes and to the power from which they had been driven by 
the Catholics themselves. Charges of immorality and extortion 
against the friars were said to be one chief cause of the insurrection 
of 1896. . , . Apparently the root of the difficulty in the Philippiuea 
is a claim of the monastic orders to certain properties and revenues. 
The eighth article of the Treaty of Paris provides that the relin- 
quishment of power by Spain can not in any respect impair the 
property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful possession of 
property of all kinds of . . . ecclesiastical or civil bodies.'" 

In other words, the government of the United States is 
now ruling the Filipinos without their consent, and is more- 
over pledged by the treaty with Spain to maintain the prop- 
erty rights of the church. But the whole trouble between 
the Filipinos and Spain was originally brought about by 
this very question of the property rights of the church. 
The Filipinos maintain, just as did the French in the days 
of the Revolution, that the Church had not come by all of 
this property in the right way, and that by rights the most 
of it belonged to the people. 



74 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

And even now it has been decided by the United 
States commissioners that the CathoHc priests shall have 
the right to teach the Catholic religion to the children in 
the public schools in the Philippine Islands. To be sure, 
the government does not pay for their services; but they, 
and they only, have access to the children in the public 
schools. 

In the doing of all these things it can only be said that 
the United States is now voluntarily surrendering the 
principles which were her birthright. She herself is saying 
to the Roman Catholic church: Those principles which had 
their birth in me, and with which you were wounded to 
death, are not good principles after all. They are not good 
for all mankind, as I once thought they were. I myself 
find that they are not applicable to all classes and climes. 

The "new order of things" is being reversed, and the 
old order of things is being re-established in its place; but 
God will not favor the undertaking. 

AMERICAN SUNDAY LAWS. 

The clergy of the United States are clamoring, with 
voice and pen, for the strict observance of Sunday as a day 
of religious worship and rest. They are urging precisely 
the same measures as were urged by the bishops and priests 
of the Catholic Church in France before the Revolution. 
Dr. W. W. Evarts, of Chicago, said not long ago: "This 
day is set apart for divine worship and preparation for 
another life. It is the test of all religion." Again he 
said: " He who does not keep the Sabbath, does not 
worship God; and he who does not worship God, is lost." 
At a convention of religionists held not long ago in Elgin, 
Illinois, the following resolutions were j^asscd : — - 



AMERICAN SUN DA V LA WS. 7 5 

•' Resolved, That we recognize the Sabbath as an institution of 
God, revealed in nature and the Bible, and of perpetual obligation on 
all men; and also as a civil and American institution, bound up in 
vital and historical connection with the origin and foundation of our 
government, the growth of our pol'ity, and necessary to be maintained 
in order for the pre,servation and integrity of our national system, 
and therefore as having a sacred claim on all patriotic American 
citizens. 

" Resolved, That we look with shame and sorrow on the non- 
observance of the Sabbath by many Christian people, in that the 
custom prevails with them of purchasing Sabbath newspapers, 
engaging in and patronizing Sabbath business and travel, and in 
many instances giving themselves to pleasure and self-indulgence, 
setting aside by neglect and indifference the great duties and privil- 
eges which God's day brings them." 

'■'■ Resolved, That we give our votes and support to those candi- 
dates or political officers who will pledge themselves to vote for the 
enactment and enforcing of statutes in favor of the civil Sabbath." 

At a Sunday law mass-meeting held in Oakland, Cal., 
the Rev. Dr. Briggs said to the state: " You relegate moral 
instruction to the Church, and then let all go as they please 
on Sunday; so that we can not get at them." And Dr. 
Evarts said: "The laboring class are apt to rise late on 
Sunday morning, read the Sunday papers, and allow the 
hour of worship to go by unheeded." And Dr. Johnson 
added: "In the Sunday lull from politics, business, etc., 
the people would go to church were it not for the attrac- 
tion of the special train." And again it was said: "The 
Sunday train is another great evil. They can not afford to 
run a train unless they get a great many passengers, and 
so break up a great many congregations." 

From all of this it is clear that the Protestant ministers 
of the United States, to-day, regard Sunday as did the 
Catholic priests of France before the Revolution. To 
both, "IT IS THE TEST OF ALL RELIGION." He 
who does not keep it will be lost; unless it is enforced by 



76 BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

civil statutes, the nation will go to pieces; laws must be 
enacted prohibiting Sunday newspapers, Sunday travel, and 
Sunday "pleasure and self-indulgence." Candidates for 
public offices are not to be voted for unless they favor legal 
statutes for the enforcement of Sunday. The State is 
urged to corral all the people on Sunday so that the minis- 
ters may get at them. 

In 1888 a vigorous attempt was made to get the United 
States Congress to pass a national Sunday law. It was 
urged that no post office should be opened on Sunday; and 
further, that the national government should not permit 
the carrying of the United States mails on Sunday. It 
was urged that no freight trains be permitted to run on 
Sunday. 

Already there have been hundreds of cases of arrests, 
in many cases followed by fine and imprisonment, and even 
the chain-gang, for Sunday work. A man was convicted for 
painting a church on Sunday, another was convicted for 
planting potatoes on Sunday, another for plowing on Sun- 
day, another for doing carpenter work on Sunday, another 
for fixing his wagon brake on Sunday, a boy of fourteen 
for shooting squirrels on Sunday. Not long ago a gentle- 
man in Arkansas gathered on Sunday morning some early 
peaches which were over-ripe and in danger of spoiling; he 
was brought before the court, convicted, and fined twenty- 
five dollars. Mr. Swearingen and his son hauled some rails 
on Sunday; they were Christian men, but observers of 
another day. They were put in jail Oct. i, 1886. On the 
13th of the same month, the sheriff levied on, and took 
possession of, a horse belonging to Mr. Swearingen. The 
horse sold at sheriff's sale, the 25th of the same month, 
for $26. 50, leaving a balance against Mr. Swearingen of 
$7.70; yet both he and his son were released the same day 



A M ERIC A N S UNDA Y LA WS. 7 7 

that the horse was sold. On the 15th day of December 
the sheriff appeared again on the premises of Mr. Swear- 
ingen, and presented a bill for $28.95. Of this sum, $21.25 
was for the board of Mr. Swearingen and son while in jail, 
and $7.70 for the balance on the fine. Mr. Swearingen 
had no money to pay the bill. The sheriff levied on his 
mare, harness, wagon, and a cow and calf. Before the 
day of the sale, however, Mr. Swearingen's brethren raised 
the money by donations, paid the bill, and secured the 
release of his property. 

One thing about this case is to be noticed particularly: 
The witness upon whose testimony these people were con- 
victed, said that as he was returning from the funeral of 
Mrs. Boggett, he saw them hauling rails on Sunday, the 
14th day of February. Now the act under which this 
prosecution was carried on became a law March 3, and 
was approved by the governor ISIarch 7. Consequently 
they were convicted for work done seventeen days before 
the act was passed under which they were convicted. 

Scores more of cases might be mentioned, cases showing 
how honest Christian men have been put into the chain- 
gang and made to serve with common criminals simply 
because they did a httle work on Sunday; and in many of 
these cases they were men who had already rested upon 
another day. The majority of the States now have Sunday 
laws of one kind or another, more or less stringent. The 
number of these laws has increased greatly during the past 
few years. There have been of late many ' ' barber bills ; " 
i. e., bills compelling barbers to close their shops on Sun- 
day, bills closing up theaters and all playhouses on Sunday, 
bills providing against amusements of any kind on Sunday. 
The Church of Rome has seen and noted it ail. At the 
time when Theodore Roosevelt was enforcing the Raines 

LofC. 




EXPOSITION GATE CLOSED ON SUNDAY. 



AMERICAN SUN DA V LA WS. 79 

Law in New York City, and there was great joy among 
the Protestant ministers that the "Puritan Sabbath" was 
being enforced, one of the leading Roman Cathohc journals 
remarked that the Protestant brethren need not be so jubi- 
lant; they were not enforcing the Puritan Sabbath at all, 
but the old Roman Catholic Sunday; and that this was 
precisely what the Church of Rome wanted. 

At the time of the World's Fair in Chicago, Congress 
by statute prohibited the opening of the Fair on Sunday. 
Now a vigorous agitation is being carried forward to close 
the gates on Sunday of the Pan-American Exhibition, to 
be held in Buffalo, N. Y. , this summer. And again Con- 
gress has put her seal to it by statute, that if the commis- 
sioners of the World's Fair to be held at St. Louis receive 
the appropriation made by the United States Government 
they must positively stipulate to close the gales on 
Sunday. 



The voices of the Cubans who are not free, the blood 
of a poor people in the Orient, the prayers of the perse- 
cuted in the prisons, the proposed closed gates of exposi- 
tions, the teaching of the religion of Rome in the public 
schools, over which the starry banner floats; yea, the very 
voice of the venerable white-haired pontiff, penetrating the 
somber walls of the Vatican, one and all bear testimony 
to the fact that the new order of things has altogether in 
principle, and partially in practice, been reversed, and that 
the " deadly wound " inflicted upon Rome by the bloody 
Revolution of 1798 has been and is being healed by the 
peaceful and quiet revolution which was begun in the 
United States exactly one hundred years later — in 1898. 



8o BATTLE OF THE CENTURY. 

And by this very act she who did the wounding also does 
the heahng. 

We are standing at the grave of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. The battle begun at the close of the eighteenth, for 
the cause of civil and religious liberty, has been waged 
and won for the right; but alas! only to be surrendered 
again by the victors to the vanquished. " "'"he beauty of 
Israel is slain upon the high place! How are the mighty 
fallen! How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of. 
war perished! " 

Columbia, as lovely in sorrow as in joy, weeps and 
pleads over the nation, saying in the beautiful lines of 
Wister: — 

" 'O Benjamin of nations, best beloved! 

Still let your isolated beacon show 
Its steadfast splendors from their rock unmoved. 

Mixed with no lanterns that flare, fall, and go. 

Still may your fortunate twin oceans flow 
To island you from neighbors' broils aloof : 
Teach liberty to live! be your life still the proof 1 

•' ' So long in heaven I waited for your birth, 

Such joy filled me when I became your soul. 

So close I have companioned you on earth. 

Walked with each step you've trodden toward our goal, 
O stray not now aside and mar the whole 

Bright path! ' She stopped; she laid her hand on him; 

He, looking up, beheld how her clear eyes were dim." 

Awake, O sons and daughters of the Republic! The 
God of thy Fathers calls thee, Columbia calls thee, to 
awake! It is not merely the Battle of the Century, but 
the Battle of All the Ages, which is with thee to decide — 
to settle for weal or for woe, for time and for eternity. 



APR S4 1901 



twm Toumatns or BroKen Cisterns 

AN EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM 
FOR PROTESTANTS ^ ^ ^ ^ 

By Prof. E. A. Sutherland, President of Battle Creek College 



'* THE CHILDREN ARE GOD'S INHERITANCE.'' 

This book gives the history of the two systems of education, 
Christian ;ind Pagan. ''All tliy children shall be taught of the 
Lord." Isa. 54 : 13. " Now as never before wo need to understand 
the irue system of education. If we fail to understand this we 
shall never have a place in the kingdom of God" 

"Living F'ountaiiis" tells us the cause of the failure and 
apostasy of Israel, of the early church, the Reformers, the modern 
Protestants; and also the weakness of the remnant church can be 
traced to n > other source and accountfd for on no other grounds 
than Pagan methods and wrong principles of education instilled 
in the minds and hearts of the children and youth of the past and 
present generations. What kind of education are your children re= 
ceiving ? Would you know and understand the principles of Chris- 
tian education for to-day? Secure a copy of ''Living Fountains 
or Broken Cisterns, an Educational Problem for Protestants;" 
read it, and ponder its teachings in your heart. 

EXCERPTS FROM THE BOOK. 

President Harper of the Chicago University states: "It is dlflS- 
cultto prophesy wliat the result of our present method of education 
will bi>iu fifty years. We are training the mind in our public schools, 
yet the moral side of the child's nature is almost entirely neg- 
lected. T}i6 Roman Cathnlic Clntrch iuni!<ts on irmcdy^no this mani- 
fest evil, but our Prote^^tant churches seem to ignore it completely. 
They expect tlie Sunday school [and we the Sabbath school] to 
make good what our public scliools leave undone. 

"The world bows t j Plato, and lays at his feet our educational 
system." Chambers's Encyclopedia, article Plato, says, "Since 
the French Revolution particularly, the study of Plato has been 
pursued with renewed vigor, in Germnny, France, and England; 
and many of our distinguished authors, without expressly pro- 
fessing Platonism,— as Coleridge. Wordsworth, Mrs. Browning, 
Ruskin, etc.— have formed a strong and growing party of ad- 
herents, who could find no common banner under which they 
could at once so conveniently and so honorably muster as that of 
Plato." Christians are t > be gathered under the ensign of Christ. 

The book contains 427 pages; printed from new type; sub- 
stantially bound in cloth; price, 11.25. 



Address 



REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO., 

^ ^ ^ Jt Ji BATTLE CREEK, MICH. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 



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021 550 538 8 




"BIBLE TEXT-BOOK" 

BY PROF. O. A. JOHNSON 

Is a compendium of Bible subjects, bound in a neat and attractive 
form, anfl easy to cairy in tlie vest or coat pocket. Tlie book con- 
tains forty-tiino tersely written Bible leadings on as many different 
subjects. Tliere are five cliarts explaining difHcult Scripture sub- 
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The Weekly and Yearly Sabbaths, The Two Laws. 

The Week, The Seven Seals, 

The Seven Last Plagues. The Millenniu.m. 

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copy at once. It is of great value to anyone making a study of the 
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A WORK OF RARE MERIT. 

The " Bible Text-Book " is indeed a work of rare merit. 

Elder S. H. Lane. 

KNOWS OF NONE BETTER. 

As a suggestive text-book for ministers. Bible workers, and Bible .students I 
kno^ of none superior to "Bible Text-Book," by O. A. .lolinscii. It covers a series 
of topics embracing nearly every doctrinal subject of the Word of (iod, as well as 
many practical lessons. Every seeker after truth should own one. 

Elder I. H. Evans. 

It contains 208 pages, table of contents, and general inde.x of sub- 
jects ; is bound in two styles of binding. In cloth, 30c., in leather, 50c. 



REVIEW AND HERALD PUB. CO., Battle Creek, Mich. 

Chicago, III. Toronto, Ont. Atlanta, Ga. 



^^Peril of the 
Republic" V 



By PROF. P. T. MAGAN 



Is a beacon light show- 
ing clearly the rocks 
and shonls upon which 
there is danger of the 
good ship, the Repub- 
lic, wrecking. 

The dangers which 
threaten the perpetu- 
ity of our government are shown to exist so conclusively that 
none can read this work without stojjping to think over those 
things contained in the book. The argument of the book is so 
straightforward, giving the simple facts as they exist; that it 
will allay, rather than create prejudice. The theme of the 
work is of such great moment that it should be in the hands 
of every law maker and voter in the United States. 

"Perils of the Republic" contains 11 chapters, 19G pages; has a 
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